To the Senate and House of Representatives:

The Congress assembles this year under the shadow of a great calamity.
On the sixth of September, President McKinley was shot by an anarchist
while attending the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, and died in
that city on the fourteenth of that month.

Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the third who has been
murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justify
grave alarm among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the
circumstances of this, the third assassination of an American
President, have a peculiarly sinister significance. Both President
Lincoln and President Garfield were killed by assassins of types
unfortunately not uncommon in history; President Lincoln falling a
victim to the terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and
President Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed
office-seeker. President McKinley was killed by an utterly depraved
criminal belonging to that body of criminals who object to all
governments, good and bad alike, who are against any form of popular
liberty if it is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws, and
who are as hostile to the upright exponent of a free people's sober
will as to the tyrannical and irresponsible despot.

It is not too much to say that at the time of President McKinley's
death he was the most widely loved man in all the United States; while
we have never had any public man of his position who has been so wholly
free from the bitter animosities incident to public life. His political
opponents were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous
tribute to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and gentleness
of character which so endeared him to his close associates. To a
standard of lofty integrity in public life he united the tender
affections and home virtues which are all-important in the make-up of
national character. A gallant soldier in the great war for the Union,
he also shone as an example to all our people because of his conduct in
the most sacred and intimate of home relations. There could be no
personal hatred of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration
for the welfare of others. No one could fail to respect him who knew
him in public or private life. The defenders of those murderous
criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by asserting that it is
exercised for political ends, inveigh against wealth and irresponsible
power. But for this assassination even this base apology cannot be
urged.

President McKinley was a man of moderate means, a man whose stock
sprang from the sturdy tillers of the soil, who had himself belonged
among the wage-workers, who had entered the Army as a private soldier.
Wealth was not struck at when the President was assassinated, but the
honest toil which is content with moderate gains after a lifetime of
unremitting labor, largely in the service of the public. Still less was
power struck at in the sense that power is irresponsible or centered in
the hands of any one individual. The blow was not aimed at tyranny or
wealth. It was aimed at one of the strongest champions the wage-worker
has ever had; at one of the most faithful representatives of the system
of public rights and representative government who has ever risen to
public office. President McKinley filled that political office for
which the entire people vote, and no President not even Lincoln
himself--was ever more earnestly anxious to represent the well
thought-out wishes of the people; his one anxiety in every crisis was
to keep in closest touch with the people--to find out what they thought
and to endeavor to give expression to their thought, after having
endeavored to guide that thought aright. He had just been reelected to
the Presidency because the majority of our citizens, the majority of
our farmers and wage-workers, believed that he had faithfully upheld
their interests for four years. They felt themselves in close and
intimate touch with him. They felt that he represented so well and so
honorably all their ideals and aspirations that they wished him to
continue for another four years to represent them.

And this was the man at whom the assassin struck That there might be
nothing lacking to complete the Judas-like infamy of his act, he took
advantage of an occasion when the President was meeting the people
generally; and advancing as if to take the hand out-stretched to him in
kindly and brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and generous
confidence of the victim into an opportunity to strike the fatal blow.
There is no baser deed in all the annals of crime.

The shock, the grief of the country, are bitter in the minds of all who
saw the dark days, while the President yet hovered between life and
death. At last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes and the breath
went from the lips that even in mortal agony uttered no words save of
forgiveness to his murderer, of love for his friends, and of faltering
trust in the will of the Most High. Such a death, crowning the glory of
such a life, leaves us with infinite sorrow, but with such pride in
what he had accomplished and in his own personal character, that we
feel the blow not as struck at him, but as struck at the Nation We
mourn a good and great President who is dead; but while we mourn we are
lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the grand
heroism with which he met his death.

When we turn from the man to the Nation, the harm done is so great as
to excite our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wisest and most
resolute action. This criminal was a professed anarchist, inflamed by
the teachings of professed anarchists, and probably also by the
reckless utterances of those who, on the stump and in the public press,
appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and
sullen hatred. The wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines,
and they cannot escape their share of responsibility for the whirlwind
that is reaped. This applies alike to the deliberate demagogue, to the
exploiter of sensationalism, and to the crude and foolish visionary
who, for whatever reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless
discontent.

The blow was aimed not at this President, but at all Presidents; at
every symbol of government. President McKinley was as emphatically the
embodiment of the popular will of the Nation expressed through the
forms of law as a New England town meeting is in similar fashion the
embodiment of the law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of the
town. On no conceivable theory could the murder of the President be
accepted as due to protest against "inequalities in the social order,"
save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a town meeting could
be accepted as a protest against that social inequality which puts a
malefactor in jail. Anarchy is no more an expression of "social
discontent" than picking pockets or wife-beating.

The anarchist, and especially the anarchist in the United States, is
merely one type of criminal, more dangerous than any other because he
represents the same depravity in a greater degree. The man who
advocates anarchy directly or indirectly, in any shape or fashion, or
the man who apologizes for anarchists and their deeds, makes himself
morally accessory to murder before the fact. The anarchist is a
criminal whose perverted instincts lead him to prefer confusion and
chaos to the most beneficent form of social order. His protest of
concern for workingmen is outrageous in its impudent falsity; for if
the political institutions of this country do not afford opportunity to
every honest and intelligent son of toil, then the door of hope is
forever closed against him. The anarchist is everywhere not merely the
enemy of system and of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty. If ever
anarchy is triumphant, its triumph will last for but one red moment, to
be succeeded, for ages by the gloomy night of despotism.

For the anarchist himself, whether he preaches or practices his
doctrines, we need not have one particle more concern than for any
ordinary murderer. He is not the victim of social or political
injustice. There are no wrongs to remedy in his case. The cause of his
criminality is to be found in his own evil passions and in the evil
conduct of those who urge him on, not in any failure by others or by
the State to do justice to him or his. He is a malefactor and nothing
else. He is in no sense, in no shape or way, a "product of social
conditions," save as a highwayman is "produced" by the fact than an
unarmed man happens to have a purse. It is a travesty upon the great
and holy names of liberty and freedom to permit them to be invoked in
such a cause. No man or body of men preaching anarchistic doctrines
should be allowed at large any more than if preaching the murder of
some specified private individual. Anarchistic speeches, writings, and
meetings are essentially seditious and treasonable.

I earnestly recommend to the Congress that in the exercise of its wise
discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country
of anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all
government and justifying the murder of those placed in authority. Such
individuals as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to
glorify the murder of King Humbert of Italy perpetrate a crime, and the
law should ensure their rigorous punishment. They and those like them
should be kept out of this country; and if found here they should be
promptly deported to the country whence they came; and far-reaching
provision should be made for the punishment of those who stay. No
matter calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the Congress.

The Federal courts should be given jurisdiction over any man who kills
or attempts to kill the President or any man who by the Constitution or
by law is in line of succession for the Presidency, while the
punishment for an unsuccessful attempt should be proportioned to the
enormity of the offense against our institutions.

Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race; and all mankind should
band against the anarchist. His crime should be made an offense against
the law of nations, like piracy and that form of man-stealing known as
the slave trade; for it is of far blacker infamy than either. It should
be so declared by treaties among all civilized powers. Such treaties
would give to the Federal Government the power of dealing with the
crime.

A grim commentary upon the folly of the anarchist position was afforded
by the attitude of the law toward this very criminal who had just taken
the life of the President. The people would have torn him limb from
limb if it had not been that the law he defied was at once invoked in
his behalf. So far from his deed being committed on behalf of the
people against the Government, the Government was obliged at once to
exert its full police power to save him from instant death at the hands
of the people. Moreover, his deed worked not the slightest dislocation
in our governmental system, and the danger of a recurrence of such
deeds, no matter how great it might grow, would work only in the
direction of strengthening and giving harshness to the forces of order.
No man will ever be restrained from becoming President by any fear as
to his personal safety. If the risk to the President's life became
great, it would mean that the office would more and more come to be
filled by men of a spirit which would make them resolute and merciless
in dealing with every friend of disorder. This great country will not
fall into anarchy, and if anarchists should ever become a serious
menace to its institutions, they would not merely be stamped out, but
would involve in their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer
with their doctrines. The American people are slow to wrath, but when
their wrath is once kindled it burns like a consuming flame.

During the last five years business confidence has been restored, and
the nation is to be congratulated because of its present abounding
prosperity. Such prosperity can never be created by law alone, although
it is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous laws. If the hand of the
Lord is heavy upon any country, if flood or drought comes, human wisdom
is powerless to avert the calamity. Moreover, no law can guard us
against the consequences of our own folly. The men who are idle or
credulous, the men who seek gains not by genuine work with head or hand
but by gambling in any form, are always a source of menace not only to
themselves but to others. If the business world loses its head, it
loses what legislation cannot supply. Fundamentally the welfare of each
citizen, and therefore the welfare of the aggregate of citizens which
makes the nation, must rest upon individual thrift and energy,
resolution, and intelligence. Nothing can take the place of this
individual capacity; but wise legislation and honest and intelligent
administration can give it the fullest scope, the largest opportunity
to work to good effect.

The tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on
with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter half of the nineteenth
century brings us face to face, at the beginning of the twentieth, with
very serious social problems. The old laws, and the old customs which
had almost the binding force of law, were once quite sufficient to
regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the
industrial changes which have so enormously increased the productive
power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient.

The growth of cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the
growth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial
centers has meant a startling increase, not merely in the aggregate of
wealth, but in the number of very large individual, and especially of
very large corporate, fortunes. The creation of these great corporate
fortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental
action, but to natural causes in the business world, operating in other
countries as they operate in our own.

The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of which is
wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the rich have grown
richer the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has
the average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so
well off as in this country and at the present time. There have been
abuses connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true
that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by
the person specially benefited only on condition of conferring immense
incidental benefits upon others. Successful enterprise, of the type
which benefits all mankind, can only exist if the conditions are such
as to offer great prizes as the rewards of success.

The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems across
this continent, who have built up our commerce, who have developed our
manufactures, have on the whole done great good to our people. Without
them the material development of which we are so justly proud could
never have taken place. Moreover, we should recognize the immense
importance of this material development of leaving as unhampered as is
compatible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon whom
the success of business operations inevitably rests. The slightest
study of business conditions will satisfy anyone capable of forming a
judgment that the personal equation is the most important factor in a
business operation; that the business ability of the man at the head of
any business concern, big or little, is usually the factor which fixes
the gulf between striking success and hopeless failure.

An additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to be
found in the international commercial conditions of to-day. The same
business conditions which have produced the great aggregations of
corporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors in
international Commercial competition. Business concerns which have the
largest means at their disposal and are managed by the ablest men are
naturally those which take the lead in the strife for commercial
supremacy among the nations of the world. America has only just begun
to assume that commanding position in the international business world
which we believe will more and more be hers. It is of the utmost
importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time
when the overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the
skill, business energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make
foreign markets essential. Under such conditions it would be most
unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our Nation.

Moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with
ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably
endangers the interests of all. The fundamental rule in our national
life--the rule which underlies all others--is that, on the whole, and
in the long run, we shall go up or down together. There are exceptions;
and in times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and in times of
adversity, some will suffer far more, than others; but speaking
generally, a period of good times means that all share more or less in
them, and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or
less degree. It surely ought not to be necessary to enter into any
proof of this statement; the memory of the lean years which began in
1893 is still vivid, and we can contrast them with the conditions in
this very year which is now closing. Disaster to great business
enterprises can never have its effects limited to the men at the top.
It spreads throughout, and while it is bad for everybody, it is worst
for those farthest down. The capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries;
but the wage-worker may be deprived of even bare necessities.

The mechanism of modern business is so delicate that extreme care must
be taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance.
Many of those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great
industrial combinations which are popularly, although with technical
inaccuracy, known as "trusts," appeal especially to hatred and fear.
These are precisely the two emotions, particularly when combined with
ignorance, which unfit men for the exercise of cool and steady
judgment. In facing new industrial conditions, the whole history of the
world shows that legislation will generally be both unwise and
ineffective unless undertaken after calm inquiry and with sober
self-restraint. Much of the legislation directed at the trusts would
have been exceedingly mischievous had it not also been entirely
ineffective. In accordance with a well-known sociological law, the
ignorant or reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of
the evils which he has been nominally opposing. In dealing with
business interests, for the Government to undertake by crude and
ill-considered legislation to do what may turn out to be bad, would be
to incur the risk of such far-reaching national disaster that it would
be preferable to undertake nothing at all. The men who demand the
impossible or the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with
which they are nominally at war, for they hamper those who would
endeavor to find out in rational fashion what the wrongs really are and
to what extent and in what manner it is practicable to apply remedies.

All this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real and grave
evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization because of its many
baleful consequences; and a resolute and practical effort must be made
to correct these evils.

There is a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people
that the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of their
features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. This springs
from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor lack of pride in the
great industrial achievements that have placed this country at the head
of the nations struggling for commercial supremacy. It does not rest
upon a lack of intelligent appreciation of the necessity of meeting
changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods, nor upon
ignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to
accomplish great things is necessary when the world's progress demands
that great things be done. It is based upon sincere conviction that
combination and concentration should be, not prohibited, but supervised
and within reasonable limits controlled; and in my judgment this
conviction is right.

It is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to
require that when men receive from Government the privilege of doing
business under corporate form, which frees them from individual
responsibility, and enables them to call into their enterprises the
capital of the public, they shall do so upon absolutely truthful
representations as to the value of the property in which the capital is
to be invested. Corporations engaged in interstate commerce should be
regulated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public
injury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social
betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the
entire body politic of crimes of violence. Great corporations exist
only because they are created and safeguarded by our institutions; and
it is therefore our right and our duty to see that they work in harmony
with these institutions.

The first essential in determining how to deal with the great
industrial combinations is knowledge of the facts--publicity. In the
interest of the public, the Government should have the right to inspect
and examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in
interstate business. Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now
invoke. What further remedies are needed in the way of governmental
regulation, or taxation, can only be determined after publicity has
been obtained, by process of law, and in the course of administration.
The first requisite is knowledge, full and complete--knowledge which
may be made public to the world.

Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint stock or other
associations, depending upon any statutory law for their existence or
privileges, should be subject to proper governmental supervision, and
full and accurate information as to their operations should be made
public regularly at reasonable intervals.

The large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in one
State, always do business in many States, often doing very little
business in the State where they are incorporated. There is utter lack
of uniformity in the State laws about them; and as no State has any
exclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice
proved impossible to get adequate regulation through State action.
Therefore, in the interest of the whole people, the Nation should,
without interfering with the power of the States in the matter itself,
also assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations
doing an interstate business. This is especially true where the
corporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some
monopolistic element or tendency in its business. There would be no
hardship in such supervision; banks are subject to it, and in their
case it is now accepted as a simple matter of course. Indeed, it is
probable that supervision of corporations by the National Government
need not go so far as is now the case with the supervision exercised
over them by so conservative a State as Massachusetts, in order to
produce excellent results.

When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the eighteenth
century, no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changes, alike in
industrial and political conditions, which were to take place by the
beginning of the twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a
matter of course that the several States were the proper authorities to
regulate, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively insignificant
and strictly localized corporate bodies of the day. The conditions are
now wholly different and wholly different action is called for. I
believe that a law can be framed which will enable the National
Government to exercise control along the lines above indicated;
profiting by the experience gained through the passage and
administration of the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the
judgment of the Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to
pass such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be submitted
to confer the power.

There should be created a Cabinet officer, to be known as Secretary of
Commerce and Industries, as provided in the bill introduced at the last
session of the Congress. It should be his province to deal with
commerce in its broadest sense; including among many other things
whatever concerns labor and all matters affecting the great business
corporations and our merchant marine.

The course proposed is one phase of what should be a comprehensive and
far-reaching scheme of constructive statesmanship for the purpose of
broadening our markets, securing our business interests on a safe
basis, and making firm our new position in the international industrial
world; while scrupulously safeguarding the rights of wage-worker and
capitalist, of investor and private citizen, so as to secure equity as
between man and man in this Republic.

With the sole exception of the farming interest, no one matter is of
such vital moment to our whole people as the welfare of the
wage-workers. If the farmer and the wage-worker are well off, it is
absolutely certain that all others will be well off too. It is
therefore a matter for hearty congratulation that on the whole wages
are higher to-day in the United States than ever before in our history,
and far higher than in any other country. The standard of living is
also higher than ever before. Every effort of legislator and
administrator should be bent to secure the permanency of this condition
of things and its improvement wherever possible. Not only must our
labor be protected by the tariff, but it should also be protected so
far as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers
brought over by contract, or of those who, coming freely, yet represent
a standard of living so depressed that they can undersell our men in
the labor market and drag them to a lower level. I regard it as
necessary, with this end in view, to re-enact immediately the law
excluding Chinese laborers and to strengthen it wherever necessary in
order to make its enforcement entirely effective.

The National Government should demand the highest quality of service
from its employees; and in return it should be a good employer. If
possible legislation should be passed, in connection with the
Interstate Commerce Law, which will render effective the efforts of
different States to do away with the competition of convict contract
labor in the open labor market. So far as practicable under the
conditions of Government work, provision should be made to render the
enforcement of the eight-hour law easy and certain. In all industries
carried on directly or indirectly for the United States Government
women and children should be protected from excessive hours of labor,
from night work, and from work under unsanitary conditions. The
Government should provide in its contracts that all work should be done
under "fair" conditions, and in addition to setting a high standard
should uphold it by proper inspection, extending if necessary to the
subcontractors. The Government should forbid all night work for women
and children, as well as excessive overtime. For the District of
Columbia a good factory law should be passed; and, as a powerful
indirect aid to such laws, provision should be made to turn the
inhabited alleys, the existence of which is a reproach to our Capital
city, into minor streets, where the inhabitants can live under
conditions favorable to health and morals.

American wage-workers work with their heads as well as their hands.
Moreover, they take a keen pride in what they are doing; so that,
independent of the reward, they wish to turn out a perfect job. This is
the great secret of our success in competition with the labor of
foreign countries.

The most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the
whole civilized world, has to deal, is the problem which has for one
side the betterment of social conditions, moral and physical, in large
cities, and for another side the effort to deal with that tangle of
far-reaching questions which we group together when we speak of
"labor." The chief factor in the success of each man--wage-worker,
farmer, and capitalist alike--must ever be the sum total of his own
individual qualities and abilities. Second only to this comes the power
of acting in combination or association with others. Very great good
has been and will be accomplished by associations or unions of
wage-workers, when managed with forethought, and when they combine
insistence upon their own rights with law-abiding respect for the
rights of others. The display of these qualities in such bodies is a
duty to the nation no less than to the associations themselves.
Finally, there must also in many cases be action by the Government in
order to safeguard the rights and interests of all. Under our
Constitution there is much more scope for such action by the State and
the municipality than by the nation. But on points such as those
touched on above the National Government can act.

When all is said and done, the rule of brotherhood remains as the
indispensable prerequisite to success in the kind of national life for
which we strive. Each man must work for himself, and unless he so works
no outside help can avail him; but each man must remember also that he
is indeed his brother's keeper, and that while no man who refuses to
walk can be carried with advantage to himself or anyone else, yet that
each at times stumbles or halts, that each at times needs to have the
helping hand outstretched to him. To be permanently effective, aid must
always take the form of helping a man to help himself; and we can all
best help ourselves by joining together in the work that is of common
interest to all.

Our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory. We need every honest
and efficient immigrant fitted to become an American citizen, every
immigrant who comes here to stay, who brings here a strong body, a
stout heart, a good head, and a resolute purpose to do his duty well in
every way and to bring up his children as law-abiding and God-fearing
members of the community. But there should be a comprehensive law
enacted with the object of working a threefold improvement over our
present system. First, we should aim to exclude absolutely not only all
persons who are known to be believers in anarchistic principles or
members of anarchistic societies, but also all persons who are of a low
moral tendency or of unsavory reputation. This means that we should
require a more thorough system of inspection abroad and a more rigid
system of examination at our immigration ports, the former being
especially necessary.

The second object of a proper immigration law ought to be to secure by
a careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent
capacity to appreciate American institutions and act sanely as American
citizens. This would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them
belong to the intelligent criminal class. But it would do what is also
in point, that is, tend to decrease the sum of ignorance, so potent in
producing the envy, suspicion, malignant passion, and hatred of order,
out of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all
persons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of economic
fitness to enter our industrial field as competitors with American
labor. There should be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an
American living and enough money to insure a decent start under
American conditions. This would stop the influx of cheap labor, and the
resulting competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness in
American industrial life; and it would dry up the springs of the
pestilential social conditions in our great cities, where anarchistic
organizations have their greatest possibility of growth.

Both the educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law
should be designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and
social. A very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship
companies which mainly bring over the immigrants, and they should be
held to a strict accountability for any infraction of the law.

There is general acquiescence in our present tariff system as a
national policy. The first requisite to our prosperity is the
continuity and stability of this economic policy. Nothing could be more
unwise than to disturb the business interests of the country by any
general tariff change at this time. Doubt, apprehension, uncertainty
are exactly what we most wish to avoid in the interest of our
commercial and material well-being. Our experience in the past has
shown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are apt to produce
conditions closely approaching panic in the business world. Yet it is
not only possible, but eminently desirable, to combine with the
stability of our economic system a supplementary system of reciprocal
benefit and obligation with other nations. Such reciprocity is an
incident and result of the firm establishment and preservation of our
present economic policy. It was specially provided for in the present
tariff law.

Reciprocity must be treated as the handmaiden of protection. Our first
duty is to see that the protection granted by the tariff in every case
where it is needed is maintained, and that reciprocity be sought for so
far as it can safely be done without injury to our home industries.
Just how far this is must be determined according to the individual
case, remembering always that every application of our tariff policy to
meet our shifting national needs must be conditioned upon the cardinal
fact that the duties must never be reduced below the point that will
cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The
well-being of the wage-worker is a prime consideration of our entire
policy of economic legislation.

Subject to this proviso of the proper protection necessary to our
industrial well-being at home, the principle of reciprocity must
command our hearty support. The phenomenal growth of our export trade
emphasizes the urgency of the need for wider markets and for a liberal
policy in dealing with foreign nations. Whatever is merely petty and
vexatious in the way of trade restrictions should be avoided. The
customers to whom we dispose of our surplus products in the long run,
directly or indirectly, purchase those surplus products by giving us
something in return. Their ability to purchase our products should as
far as possible be secured by so arranging our tariff as to enable us
to take from them those products which we can use without harm to our
own industries and labor, or the use of which will be of marked benefit
to us.

It is most important that we should maintain the high level of our
present prosperity. We have now reached the point in the development of
our interests where we are not only able to supply our own markets but
to produce a constantly growing surplus for which we must find markets
abroad. To secure these markets we can utilize existing duties in any
case where they are no longer needed for the purpose of protection, or
in any case where the article is not produced here and the duty is no
longer necessary for revenue, as giving us something to offer in
exchange for what we ask. The cordial relations with other nations
which are so desirable will naturally be promoted by the course thus
required by our own interests.

The natural line of development for a policy of reciprocity will be in
connection with those of our productions which no longer require all of
the support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis, and with
those others where either because of natural or of economic causes we
are beyond the reach of successful competition.

I ask the attention of the Senate to the reciprocity treaties laid
before it by my predecessor.

The condition of the American merchant marine is such as to call for
immediate remedial action by the Congress. It is discreditable to us as
a Nation that our merchant marine should be utterly insignificant in
comparison to that of other nations which we overtop in other forms of
business. We should not longer submit to conditions under which only a
trifling portion of our great commerce is carried in our own ships. To
remedy this state of things would not .merely serve to build up our
shipping interests, but it would also result in benefit to all who are
interested in the permanent establishment of a wider market for
American products, and would provide an auxiliary force for the Navy.
Ships work for their own countries just as railroads work for their
terminal points. Shipping lines, if established to the principal
countries with which we have dealings, would be of political as well as
commercial benefit. From every standpoint it is unwise for the United
States to continue to rely upon the ships of competing nations for the
distribution of our goods. It should be made advantageous to carry
American goods in American-built ships.

At present American shipping is under certain great disadvantages when
put in competition with the shipping of foreign countries. Many of the
fast foreign steamships, at a speed of fourteen knots or above, are
subsidized; and all our ships, sailing vessels and steamers alike,
cargo carriers of slow speed and mail carriers of high speed, have to
meet the fact that the original cost of building American ships is
greater than is the case abroad; that the wages paid American officers
and seamen are very much higher than those paid the officers and seamen
of foreign competing countries; and that the standard of living on our
ships is far superior to the standard of living on the ships of our
commercial rivals.

Our Government should take such action as will remedy these
inequalities. The American merchant marine should be restored to the
ocean.

The Act of March 14, 1900, intended unequivocally to establish gold as
the standard money and to maintain at a parity therewith all forms of
money medium in use with us, has been shown to be timely and judicious.
The price of our Government bonds in the world's market, when compared
with the price of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a
flattering tribute to our public credit. This condition it is evidently
desirable to maintain.

In many respects the National Banking Law furnishes sufficient liberty
for the proper exercise of the banking function; but there seems to be
need of better safeguards against the deranging influence of commercial
crises and financial panics. Moreover, the currency of the country
should be made responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and
commerce.

The collections from duties on imports and internal taxes continue to
exceed the ordinary expenditures of the Government, thanks mainly to
the reduced army expenditures. The utmost care should be taken not to
reduce the revenues so that there will be any possibility of a deficit;
but, after providing against any such contingency, means should be
adopted which will bring the revenues more nearly within the limit of
our actual needs. In his report to the Congress the Secretary of the
Treasury considers all these questions at length, and I ask your
attention to the report and recommendations.

I call special attention to the need of strict economy in expenditures.
The fact that our national needs forbid us to be niggardly in providing
whatever is actually necessary to our well-being, should make us doubly
careful to husband our national resources, as each of us husbands his
private resources, by scrupulous avoidance of anything like wasteful or
reckless expenditure. Only by avoidance of spending money on what is
needless or unjustifiable can we legitimately keep our income to the
point required to meet our needs that are genuine.

In 1887 a measure was enacted for the regulation of interstate
railways, commonly known as the Interstate Commerce Act. The cardinal
provisions of that act were that railway rates should be just and
reasonable and that all shippers, localities, and commodities should be
accorded equal treatment. A commission was created and endowed with
what were supposed to be the necessary powers to execute the provisions
of this act. That law was largely an experiment. Experience has shown
the wisdom of its purposes, but has also shown, possibly that some of
its requirements are wrong, certainly that the means devised for the
enforcement of its provisions are defective. Those who complain of the
management of the railways allege that established rates are not
maintained; that rebates and similar devices are habitually resorted
to; that these preferences are usually in favor of the large shipper;
that they drive out of business the smaller competitor; that while many
rates are too low, many others are excessive; and that gross
preferences are made, affecting both localities and commodities. Upon
the other hand, the railways assert that the law by its very terms
tends to produce many of these illegal practices by depriving carriers
of that right of concerted action which they claim is necessary to
establish and maintain non-discriminating rates.

The act should be amended. The railway is a public servant. Its rates
should be just to and open to all shippers alike. The Government should
see to it that within its jurisdiction this is so and should provide a
speedy, inexpensive, and effective remedy to that end. At the same time
it must not be forgotten that our railways are the arteries through
which the commercial lifeblood of this Nation flows. Nothing could be
more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would
unnecessarily interfere with the development and operation of these
commercial agencies. The subject is one of great importance and calls
for the earnest attention of the Congress.

The Department of Agriculture during the past fifteen years has
steadily broadened its work on economic lines, and has accomplished
results of real value in upbuilding domestic and foreign trade. It has
gone into new fields until it is now in touch with all sections of our
country and with two of the island groups that have lately come under
our jurisdiction, whose people must look to agriculture as a
livelihood. It is searching the world for grains, grasses, fruits, and
vegetables specially fitted for introduction into localities in the
several States and Territories where they may add materially to our
resources. By scientific attention to soil survey and possible new
crops, to breeding of new varieties of plants, to experimental
shipments, to animal industry and applied chemistry, very practical aid
has been given our farming and stock-growing interests. The products of
the farm have taken an unprecedented place in our export trade during
the year that has just closed.

Public opinion throughout the United States has moved steadily toward a
just appreciation of the value of forests, whether planted or of
natural growth. The great part played by them in the creation and
maintenance of the national wealth is now more fully realized than ever
before.

Wise forest protection does not mean the withdrawal of forest
resources, whether of wood, water, or grass, from contributing their
full share to the welfare of the people, but, on the contrary, gives
the assurance of larger and more certain supplies. The fundamental idea
of forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use. Forest protection is
not an end of itself; it is a means to increase and sustain the
resources of our country and the industries which depend upon them. The
preservation of our forests is an imperative business necessity. We
have come to see clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except to
make way for agriculture, threatens our well being.

The practical usefulness of the national forest reserves to the mining,
grazing, irrigation, and other interests of the regions in which the
reserves lie has led to a widespread demand by the people of the West
for their protection and extension. The forest reserves will inevitably
be of still greater use in the future than in the past. Additions
should be made to them whenever practicable, and their usefulness
should be increased by a thoroughly business-like management.

At present the protection of the forest reserves rests with the General
Land Office, the mapping and description of their timber with the
United States Geological Survey, and the preparation of plans for their
conservative use with the Bureau of Forestry, which is also charged
with the general advancement of practical forestry in the United
States. These various functions should be united in the Bureau of
Forestry, to which they properly belong. The present diffusion of
responsibility is bad from every standpoint. It prevents that effective
co-operation between the Government and the men who utilize the
resources of the reserves, without which the interests of both must
suffer. The scientific bureaus generally should be put under the
Department of Agriculture. The President should have by law the power
of transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the Department of
Agriculture. He already has such power in the case of lands needed by
the Departments of War and the Navy.

The wise administration of the forest reserves will be not less helpful
to the interests which depend on water than to those which depend on
wood and grass. The water supply itself depends upon the forest. In the
arid region it is water, not land, which measures production. The
western half of the United States would sustain a population greater
than that of our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to
waste were saved and used for irrigation. The forest and water problems
are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the United States.

Certain of the forest reserves should also be made preserves for the
wild forest creatures. All of the reserves should be better protected
from fires. Many of them need special protection because of the great
injury done by live stock, above all by sheep. The increase in deer,
elk, and other animals in the Yellowstone Park shows what may be
expected when other mountain forests are properly protected by law and
properly guarded. Some of these areas have been so denuded of surface
vegetation by overgrazing that the ground breeding birds, including
grouse and quail, and many mammals, including deer, have been
exterminated or driven away. At the same time the water-storing
capacity of the surface has been decreased or destroyed, thus promoting
floods in times of rain and diminishing the flow of streams between
rains.

In cases where natural conditions have been restored for a few years,
vegetation has again carpeted the ground, birds and deer are coming
back, and hundreds of persons, especially from the immediate
neighborhood, come each summer to enjoy the privilege of camping. Some
at least of the forest reserves should afford perpetual protection to
the native fauna and flora, safe havens of refuge to our rapidly
diminishing wild animals of the larger kinds, and free camping grounds
for the ever-increasing numbers of men and women who have learned to
find rest, health, and recreation in the splendid forests and
flower-clad meadows of our mountains. The forest reserves should be set
apart forever for the use and benefit of our people as a whole and not
sacrificed to the shortsighted greed of a few.

The forests are natural reservoirs. By restraining the streams in flood
and replenishing them in drought they make possible the use of waters
otherwise wasted. They prevent the soil from washing, and so protect
the storage reservoirs from filling up with silt. Forest conservation
is therefore an essential condition of water conservation.

The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and conserve the
waters of the arid region. Great storage works are necessary to
equalize the flow of streams and to save the flood waters. Their
construction has been conclusively shown to be an undertaking too vast
for private effort. Nor can it be best accomplished by the individual
States acting alone. Far-reaching interstate problems are involved; and
the resources of single States would often be inadequate. It is
properly a national function, at least in some of its features. It is
as right for the National Government to make the streams and rivers of
the arid region useful by engineering works for water storage as to
make useful the rivers and harbors of the humid region by engineering
works of another kind. The storing of the floods in reservoirs at the
headwaters of our rivers is but an enlargement of our present policy of
river control, under which levees are built on the lower reaches of the
same streams.

The Government should construct and maintain these reservoirs as it
does other public works. Where their purpose is to regulate the flow of
streams, the water should be turned freely into the channels in the dry
season to take the same course under the same laws as the natural flow.

The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a different
problem. Here it is not enough to regulate the flow of streams. The
object of the Government is to dispose of the land to settlers who will
build homes upon it. To accomplish this object water must be brought
within their reach.

The pioneer settlers on the arid public domain chose their homes along
streams from which they could themselves divert the water to reclaim
their holdings. Such opportunities are practically gone. There remain,
however, vast areas of public land which can be made available for
homestead settlement, but only by reservoirs and main-line canals
impracticable for private enterprise. These irrigation works should be
built by the National Government. The lands reclaimed by them should be
reserved by the Government for actual settlers, and the cost of
construction should so far as possible be repaid by the land reclaimed.
The distribution of the water, the division of the streams among
irrigators, should be left to the settlers themselves in conformity
with State laws and without interference with those laws or with vested
fights. The policy of the National Government should be to aid
irrigation in the several States and Territories in such manner as will
enable the people in the local communities to help themselves, and as
will stimulate needed reforms in the State laws and regulations
governing irrigation.

The reclamation and settlement of the arid lands will enrich every
portion of our country, just as the settlement of the Ohio and
Mississippi valleys brought prosperity to the Atlantic States. The
increased demand for manufactured articles will stimulate industrial
production, while wider home markets and the trade of Asia will consume
the larger food supplies and effectually prevent Western competition
with Eastern agriculture. Indeed, the products of irrigation will be
consumed chiefly in upbuilding local centers of mining and other
industries, which would otherwise not come into existence at all. Our
people as a whole will profit, for successful home-making is but
another name for the upbuilding of the nation.

The necessary foundation has already been laid for the inauguration of
the policy just described. It would be unwise to begin by doing too
much, for a great deal will doubtless be learned, both as to what can
and what cannot be safely attempted, by the early efforts, which must
of necessity be partly experimental in character. At the very beginning
the Government should make clear, beyond shadow of doubt, its intention
to pursue this policy on lines of the broadest public interest. No
reservoir or canal should ever be built to satisfy selfish personal or
local interests; but only in accordance with the advice of trained
experts, after long investigation has shown the locality where all the
conditions combine to make the work most needed and fraught with the
greatest usefulness to the community as a whole. There should be no
extravagance, and the believers in the need of irrigation will most
benefit their cause by seeing to it that it is free from the least
taint of excessive or reckless expenditure of the public moneys.

Whatever the nation does for the extension of irrigation should
harmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of those now living
on irrigated land. We are not at the starting point of this
development. Over two hundred millions of private capital has already
been expended in the construction of irrigation works, and many million
acres of arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise and ability
has been shown in the work itself; but as much cannot be said in
reference to the laws relating thereto. The security and value of the
homes created depend largely on the stability of titles to water; but
the majority of these rest on the uncertain foundation of court
decisions rendered in ordinary suits at law. With a few creditable
exceptions, the arid States have failed to provide for the certain and
just division of streams in times of scarcity. Lax and uncertain laws
have made it possible to establish rights to water in excess of actual
uses or necessities, and many streams have already passed into private
ownership, or a control equivalent to ownership.

Whoever controls a stream practically controls the land it renders
productive, and the doctrine of private ownership of water apart from
land cannot prevail without causing enduring wrong. The recognition of
such ownership, which has been permitted to grow up in the arid
regions, should give way to a more enlightened and larger recognition
of the rights of the public in the control and disposal of the public
water supplies. Laws founded upon conditions obtaining in humid
regions, where water is too abundant to justify hoarding it, have no
proper application in a dry country.

In the arid States the only right to water which should be recognized
is that of use. In irrigation this right should attach to the land
reclaimed and be inseparable therefrom. Granting perpetual water rights
to others than users, without compensation to the public, is open to
all the objections which apply to giving away perpetual franchises to
the public utilities of cities. A few of the Western States have
already recognized this, and have incorporated in their constitutions
the doctrine of perpetual State ownership of water.

The benefits which have followed the unaided development of the past
justify the nation's aid and co-operation in the more difficult and
important work yet to be accomplished. Laws so vitally affecting homes
as those which control the water supply will only be effective when
they have the sanction of the irrigators; reforms can only be final and
satisfactory when they come through the enlightenment of the people
most concerned. The larger development which national aid insures
should, however, awaken in every arid State the determination to make
its irrigation system equal in justice and effectiveness that of any
country in the civilized world. Nothing could be more unwise than for
isolated communities to continue to learn everything experimentally,
instead of profiting by what is already known elsewhere. We are dealing
with a new and momentous question, in the pregnant years while
institutions are forming, and what we do will affect not only the
present but future generations.

Our aim should be not simply to reclaim the largest area of land and
provide homes for the largest number of people, but to create for this
new industry the best possible social and industrial conditions; and
this requires that we not only understand the existing situation, but
avail ourselves of the best experience of the time in the solution of
its problems. A careful study should be made, both by the Nation and
the States, of the irrigation laws and conditions here and abroad.
Ultimately it will probably be necessary for the Nation to co-operate
with the several arid States in proportion as these States by their
legislation and administration show themselves fit to receive it.

In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the Territory on the traditional
American lines. We do not wish a region of large estates tilled by
cheap labor; we wish a healthy American community of men who themselves
till the farms they own. All our legislation for the islands should be
shaped with this end in view; the well-being of the average home-maker
must afford the true test of the healthy development of the islands.
The land policy should as nearly as possible be modeled on our
homestead system.

It is a pleasure to say that it is hardly more necessary to report as
to Puerto Rico than as to any State or Territory within our continental
limits. The island is thriving as never before, and it is being
administered efficiently and honestly. Its people are now enjoying
liberty and order under the protection of the United States, and upon
this fact we congratulate them and ourselves. Their material welfare
must be as carefully and jealously considered as the welfare of any
other portion of our country. We have given them the great gift of free
access for their products to the markets of the United States. I ask
the attention of the Congress to the need of legislation concerning the
public lands of Puerto Rico.

In Cuba such progress has been made toward putting the independent
government of the island upon a firm footing that before the present
session of the Congress closes this will be an accomplished fact. Cuba
will then start as her own mistress; and to the beautiful Queen of the
Antilles, as she unfolds this new page of her destiny, we extend our
heartiest greetings and good wishes. Elsewhere I have discussed the
question of reciprocity. In the case of Cuba, however, there are
weighty reasons of morality and of national interest why the policy
should be held to have a peculiar application, and I most earnestly ask
your attention to the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing
for a substantial reduction in the tariff duties on Cuban imports into
the United States. Cuba has in her constitution affirmed what we
desired: that she should stand, in international matters, in closer and
more friendly relations with us than with any other power; and we are
bound by every consideration of honor and expediency to pass commercial
measures in the interest of her material well-being.

In the Philippines our problem is larger. They are very rich tropical
islands, inhabited by many varying tribes, representing widely
different stages of progress toward civilization. Our earnest effort is
to help these people upward along the stony and difficult path that
leads to self-government. We hope to make our administration of the
islands honorable to our Nation by making it of the highest benefit to
the Filipinos themselves; and as an earnest of what we intend to do, we
point to what we have done. Already a greater measure of material
prosperity and of governmental honesty and efficiency has been attained
in the Philippines than ever before in their history.

It is no light task for a nation to achieve the temperamental qualities
without which the institutions of free government are but an empty
mockery. Our people are now successfully governing themselves, because
for more than a thousand years they have been slowly fitting
themselves, sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, toward this
end. What has taken us thirty generations to achieve, we cannot expect
to have another race accomplish out of hand, especially when large
portions of that race start very far behind the point which our
ancestors had reached even thirty generations ago. In dealing with the
Philippine people we must show both patience and strength, forbearance
and steadfast resolution. Our aim is high. We do not desire to do for
the islanders merely what has elsewhere been done for tropic peoples by
even the best foreign governments. We hope to do for them what has
never before been done for any people of the tropics--to make them fit
for self-government after the fashion of the really free nations.

History may safely be challenged to show a single instance in which a
masterful race such as ours, having been forced by the exigencies of
war to take possession of an alien land, has behaved to its inhabitants
with the disinterested zeal for their progress that our people have
shown in the Philippines. To leave the islands at this time would mean
that they would fall into a welter of murderous anarchy. Such desertion
of duty on our part would be a crime against humanity. The character of
Governor Taft and of his associates and subordinates is a proof, if
such be needed, of the sincerity of our effort to give the islanders a
constantly increasing measure of self-government, exactly as fast as
they show themselves fit to exercise it. Since the civil government was
established not an appointment has been made in the islands with any
reference to considerations of political influence, or to aught else
Save the fitness of the man and the needs of the service.

In our anxiety for the welfare and progress of the Philippines, may be
that here and there we have gone too rapidly in giving them local
self-government. It is on this side that our error, if any, has been
committed. No competent observer, sincerely desirous of finding out the
facts and influenced only by a desire for the welfare of the natives,
can assert that we have not gone far enough. We have gone to the very
verge of safety in hastening the process. To have taken a single step
farther or faster in advance would have been folly and weakness, and
might well have been crime. We are extremely anxious that the natives
shall show the power of governing themselves. We are anxious, first for
their sakes, and next, because it relieves us of a great burden. There
need not be the slightest fear of our not continuing to give them all
the liberty for which they are fit.

The only fear is test in our overanxiety we give them a degree of
independence for which they are unfit, thereby inviting reaction and
disaster. As fast as there is any reasonable hope that in a given
district the people can govern themselves, self-government has been
given in that district. There is not a locality fitted for
self-government which has not received it. But it may well be that in
certain cases it will have to be withdrawn because the inhabitants show
themselves unfit to exercise it; such instances have already occurred.
In other words, there is not the slightest chance of our failing to
show a sufficiently humanitarian spirit. The danger comes in the
opposite direction.

There are still troubles ahead in the islands. The insurrection has
become an affair of local banditti and marauders, who deserve no higher
regard than the brigands of portions of the Old World. Encouragement,
direct or indirect, to these insurrectors stands on the same footing as
encouragement to hostile Indians in the days when we still had Indian
wars. Exactly as our aim is to give to the Indian who remains peaceful
the fullest and amplest consideration, but to have it understood that
we will show no weakness if he goes on the warpath, so we must make it
evident, unless we are false to our own traditions and to the demands
of civilization and humanity, that while we will do everything in our
power for the Filipino who is peaceful, we will take the sternest
measures with the Filipino who follows the path of the insurrecto and
the ladrone.

The heartiest praise is due to large numbers of the natives of the
islands for their steadfast loyalty. The Macabebes have been
conspicuous for their courage and devotion to the flag. I recommend
that the Secretary of War be empowered to take some systematic action
in the way of aiding those of these men who are crippled in the service
and the families of those who are killed.

The time has come when there should be additional legislation for the
Philippines. Nothing better can be done for the islands than to
introduce industrial enterprises. Nothing would benefit them so much as
throwing them open to industrial development. The connection between
idleness and mischief is proverbial, and the opportunity to do
remunerative work is one of the surest preventatives of war. Of course
no business man will go into the Philippines unless it is to his
interest to do so; and it is immensely to the interest of the islands
that he should go in. It is therefore necessary that the Congress
should pass laws by which the resources of the islands can be
developed; so that franchises (for limited terms of years) can be
granted to companies doing business in them, and every encouragement be
given to the incoming of business men of every kind.

Not to permit this is to do a wrong to the Philippines. The franchises
must be granted and the business permitted only under regulations which
will guarantee the islands against any kind of improper exploitation.
But the vast natural wealth of the islands must be developed, and the
capital willing to develop it must be given the opportunity. The field
must be thrown open to individual enterprise, which has been the real
factor in the development of every region over which our flag has
flown. It is urgently necessary to enact suitable laws dealing with
general transportation, mining, banking, currency, homesteads, and the
use and ownership of the lands and timber. These laws will give free
play to industrial enterprise; and the commercial development which
will surely follow will accord to the people of the islands the best
proofs of the sincerity of our desire to aid them.

I call your attention most earnestly to the crying need of a cable to
Hawaii and the Philippines, to be continued from the Philippines to
points in Asia. We should not defer a day longer than necessary the
construction of such a cable. It is demanded not merely for commercial
but for political and military considerations.

Either the Congress should immediately provide for the construction of
a Government cable, or else an arrangement should be made by which like
advantages to those accruing from a Government cable may be secured to
the Government by contract with a private cable company.

No single great material work which remains to be undertaken on this
continent is of such consequence to the American people as the building
of a canal across the Isthmus connecting North and South America. Its
importance to the Nation is by no means limited merely to its material
effects upon our business prosperity; and yet with view to these
effects alone it would be to the last degree important for us
immediately to begin it. While its beneficial effects would perhaps be
most marked upon the Pacific Coast and the Gulf and South Atlantic
States, it would also greatly benefit other sections. It is
emphatically a work which it is for the interest of the entire country
to begin and complete as soon as possible; it is one of those great
works which only a great nation can undertake with prospects of
success, and which when done are not only permanent assets in the
nation's material interests, but standing monuments to its constructive
ability.

I am glad to be able to announce to you that our negotiations on this
subject with Great Britain, conducted on both sides in a spirit of
friendliness and mutual good will and respect, have resulted in my
being able to lay before the Senate a treaty which if ratified will
enable us to begin preparations for an Isthmian canal at any time, and
which guarantees to this Nation every right that it has ever asked in
connection with the canal. In this treaty, the old Clayton-Bulwer
treaty, so long recognized as inadequate to supply the base for the
construction and maintenance of a necessarily American ship canal, is
abrogated. It specifically provides that the United States alone shall
do the work of building and assume the responsibility of safeguarding
the canal and shall regulate its neutral use by all nations on terms of
equality without the guaranty or interference of any outside nation
from any quarter. The signed treaty will at once be laid before the
Senate, and if approved the Congress can then proceed to give effect to
the advantages it secures us by providing for the building of the
canal.

The true end of every great and free people should be self-respecting
peace; and this Nation most earnestly desires sincere and cordial
friendship with all others. Over the entire world, of recent years,
wars between the great civilized powers have become less and less
frequent. Wars with barbarous or semi-barbarous peoples come in an
entirely different category, being merely a most regrettable but
necessary international police duty which must be performed for the
sake of the welfare of mankind. Peace can only be kept with certainty
where both sides wish to keep it; but more and more the civilized
peoples are realizing the wicked folly of war and are attaining that
condition of just and intelligent regard for the rights of others which
will in the end, as we hope and believe, make world-wide peace
possible. The peace conference at The Hague gave definite expression to
this hope and belief and marked a stride toward their attainment.

This same peace conference acquiesced in our statement of the Monroe
Doctrine as compatible with the purposes and aims of the conference.

The Monroe Doctrine should be the cardinal feature of the foreign
policy of all the nations of the two Americas, as it is of the United
States. Just seventy-eight years have passed since President Monroe in
his Annual Message announced that "The American continents are
henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by
any European power." In other words, the Monroe Doctrine is a
declaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement by any
non-American power at the expense of any American power on American
soil. It is in no wise intended as hostile to any nation in the Old
World. Still less is it intended to give cover to any aggression by one
New World power at the expense of any other. It is simply a step, and a
long step, toward assuring the universal peace of the world by securing
the possibility of permanent peace on this hemisphere.

During the past century other influences have established the
permanence and independence of the smaller states of Europe. Through
the Monroe Doctrine we hope to be able to safeguard like independence
and secure like permanence for the lesser among the New World nations.

This doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of any
American power, save that it in truth allows each of them to form such
as it desires. In other words, it is really a guaranty of the
commercial independence of the Americas. We do not ask under this
doctrine for any exclusive commercial dealings with any other American
state. We do not guarantee any state against punishment if it
misconducts itself, provided that punishment does not take the form of
the acquisition of territory by any non-American power.

Our attitude in Cuba is a sufficient guaranty of our own good faith. We
have not the slightest desire to secure any territory at the expense of
any of our neighbors. We wish to work with them hand in hand, so that
all of us may be uplifted together, and we rejoice over the good
fortune of any of them, we gladly hail their material prosperity and
political stability, and are concerned and alarmed if any of them fall
into industrial or political chaos. We do not wish to see any Old World
military power grow up on this continent, or to be compelled to become
a military power ourselves. The peoples of the Americas can prosper
best if left to work out their own salvation in their own way.

The work of upbuilding the Navy must be steadily continued. No one
point of our policy, foreign or domestic, is more important than this
to the honor and material welfare, and above all to the peace, of our
nation in the future. Whether we desire it or not, we must henceforth
recognize that we have international duties no less than international
rights. Even if our flag were hauled down in the Philippines and Puerto
Rico, even if we decided not to build the Isthmian Canal, we should
need a thoroughly trained Navy of adequate size, or else be prepared
definitely and for all time to abandon the idea that our nation is
among those whose sons go down to the sea in ships. Unless our commerce
is always to be carried in foreign bottoms, we must have war craft to
protect it.

Inasmuch, however, as the American people have no thought of abandoning
the path upon which they have entered, and especially in view of the
fact that the building of the Isthmian Canal is fast becoming one of
the matters which the whole people are united in demanding, it is
imperative that our Navy should be put and kept in the highest state of
efficiency, and should be made to answer to our growing needs. So far
from being in any way a provocation to war, an adequate and highly
trained navy is the best guaranty against war, the cheapest and most
effective peace insurance. The cost of building and maintaining such a
navy represents the very lightest premium for insuring peace which this
nation can possibly pay.

Probably no other great nation in the world is so anxious for peace as
we are. There is not a single civilized power which has anything
whatever to fear from aggressiveness on our part. All we want is peace;
and toward this end we wish to be able to secure the same respect for
our rights from others which we are eager and anxious to extend to
their rights in return, to insure fair treatment to us commercially,
and to guarantee the safety of the American people.

Our people intend to abide by the Monroe Doctrine and to insist upon it
as the one sure means of securing the peace of the Western Hemisphere.
The Navy offers us the only means of making our insistence upon the
Monroe Doctrine anything but a subject of derision to whatever nation
chooses to disregard it. We desire the peace which comes as of right to
the just man armed; not the peace granted on terms of ignominy to the
craven and the weakling.

It is not possible to improvise a navy after war breaks out. The ships
must be built and the men trained long in advance. Some auxiliary
vessels can be turned into makeshifts which will do in default of any
better for the minor work, and a proportion of raw men can be mixed
with the highly trained, their shortcomings being made good by the
skill of their fellows; but the efficient fighting force of the Navy
when pitted against an equal opponent will be found almost exclusively
in the war ships that have been regularly built and in the officers and
men who through years of faithful performance of sea duty have been
trained to handle their formidable but complex and delicate weapons
with the highest efficiency. In the late war with Spain the ships that
dealt the decisive blows at Manila and Santiago had been launched from
two to fourteen years, and they were able to do as they did because the
men in the conning towers, the gun turrets, and the engine-rooms had
through long years of practice at sea learned how to do their duty.

Our present Navy was begun in 1882. At that period our Navy consisted
of a collection of antiquated wooden ships, already almost as out of
place against modern war vessels as the galleys of Alcibiades and
Hamilcar--certainly as the ships of Tromp and Blake. Nor at that time
did we have men fit to handle a modern man-of-war. Under the wise
legislation of the Congress and the successful administration of a
succession of patriotic Secretaries of the Navy, belonging to both
political parties, the work of upbuilding the Navy went on, and ships
equal to any in the world of their kind were continually added; and
what was even more important, these ships were exercised at sea singly
and in squadrons until the men aboard them were able to get the best
possible service out of them. The result was seen in the short war with
Spain, which was decided with such rapidity because of the infinitely
greater preparedness of our Navy than of the Spanish Navy.

While awarding the fullest honor to the men who actually commanded and
manned the ships which destroyed the Spanish sea forces in the
Philippines and in Cuba, we must not forget that an equal meed of
praise belongs to those without whom neither blow could have been
struck. The Congressmen who voted years in advance the money to lay
down the ships, to build the guns, to buy the armor-plate; the
Department officials and the business men and wage-workers who
furnished what the Congress had authorized; the Secretaries of the Navy
who asked for and expended the appropriations; and finally the officers
who, in fair weather and foul, on actual sea service, trained and
disciplined the crews of the ships when there was no war in sight--all
are entitled to a full share in the glory of Manila and Santiago, and
the respect accorded by every true American to those who wrought such
signal triumph for our country. It was forethought and preparation
which secured us the overwhelming triumph of 1898. If we fail to show
forethought and preparation now, there may come a time when disaster
will befall us instead of triumph; and should this time come, the fault
will rest primarily, not upon those whom the accident of events puts in
supreme command at the moment, but upon those who have failed to
prepare in advance.

There should be no cessation in the work of completing our Navy. So far
ingenuity has been wholly unable to devise a substitute for the great
war craft whose hammering guns beat out the mastery of the high seas.
It is unsafe and unwise not to provide this year for several additional
Battle ships and heavy armored cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter
craft in proportion; for the exact numbers and character I refer you to
the report of the Secretary of the Navy. But there is something we need
even more than additional ships, and this is additional officers and
men. To provide battle ships and cruisers and then lay them up, with
the expectation of leaving them unmanned until they are needed in
actual war, would be worse than folly; it would be a crime against the
Nation.

To send any war ship against a competent enemy unless those aboard it
have been trained by years of actual sea service, including incessant
gunnery practice, would be to invite not merely disaster, but the
bitterest shame and humiliation. Four thousand additional seamen and
one thousand additional marines should be provided; and an increase in
the officers should be provided by making a large addition to the
classes at Annapolis. There is one small matter which should be
mentioned in connection with Annapolis. The pretentious and unmeaning
title of "naval cadet" should be abolished; the title of "midshipman,"
full of historic association, should be restored.

Even in time of peace a war ship should be used until it wears out, for
only so can it be kept fit to respond to any emergency. The officers
and men alike should be kept as much as possible on blue water, for it
is there only they can learn their duties as they should be learned.
The big vessels should be manoeuvred in squadrons containing not merely
battle ships, but the necessary proportion of cruisers and scouts. The
torpedo boats should be handled by the younger officers in such manner
as will best fit the latter to take responsibility and meet the
emergencies of actual warfare.

Every detail ashore which can be performed by a civilian should be so
performed, the officer being kept for his special duty in the sea
service. Above all, gunnery practice should be unceasing. It is
important to have our Navy of adequate size, but it is even more
important that ship for ship it should equal in efficiency any navy in
the world. This is possible only with highly drilled crews and
officers, and this in turn imperatively demands continuous and
progressive instruction in target practice, ship handling, squadron
tactics, and general discipline. Our ships must be assembled in
squadrons actively cruising away from harbors and never long at anchor.
The resulting wear upon engines and hulls must be endured; a battle
ship worn out in long training of officers and men is well paid for by
the results, while, on the other hand, no matter in how excellent
condition, it is useless if the crew be not expert.

We now have seventeen battle ships appropriated for, of which nine are
completed and have been commissioned for actual service. The remaining
eight will be ready in from two to four years, but it will take at
least that time to recruit and train the men to fight them. It is of
vast concern that we have trained crews ready for the vessels by the
time they are commissioned. Good ships and good guns are simply good
weapons, and the best weapons are useless save in the hands of men who
know how to fight with them. The men must be trained and drilled under
a thorough and well-planned system of progressive instruction, while
the recruiting must be carried on with still greater vigor. Every
effort must be made to exalt the main function of the officer--the
command of men. The leading graduates of the Naval Academy should be
assigned to the combatant branches, the line and marines.

Many of the essentials of success are already recognized by the General
Board, which, as the central office of a growing staff, is moving
steadily toward a proper war efficiency and a proper efficiency of the
whole Navy, under the Secretary. This General Board, by fostering the
creation of a general staff, is providing for the official and then the
general recognition of our altered conditions as a Nation and of the
true meaning of a great war fleet, which meaning is, first, the best
men, and, second, the best ships.

Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Theodore Roosevelt, vol. 9,
p.6667

The Naval Militia forces are State organizations, and are trained for
coast service, and in event of war they will constitute the inner line
of defense. They should receive hearty encouragement from the General
Government.

But in addition we should at once provide for a National Naval Reserve,
organized and trained under the direction of the Navy Department, and
subject to the call of the Chief Executive whenever war becomes
imminent. It should be a real auxiliary to the naval seagoing peace
establishment, and offer material to be drawn on at once for manning
our ships in time of war. It should be composed of graduates of the
Naval Academy, graduates of the Naval Militia, officers and crews of
coast-line steamers, longshore schooners, fishing vessels, and steam
yachts, together with the coast population about such centers as
lifesaving stations and light-houses.

The American people must either build and maintain an adequate navy or
else make up their minds definitely to accept a secondary position in
international affairs, not merely in political, but in commercial,
matters. It has been well said that there is no surer way of courting
national disaster than to be "opulent, aggressive, and unarmed."

It is not necessary to increase our Army beyond its present size at
this time. But it is necessary to keep it at the highest point of
efficiency. The individual units who as officers and enlisted men
compose this Army, are, we have good reason to believe, at least as
efficient as those of any other army in the entire world. It is our
duty to see that their training is of a kind to insure the highest
possible expression of power to these units when acting in combination.

The conditions of modern war are such as to make an infinitely heavier
demand than ever before upon the individual character and capacity of
the officer and the enlisted man, and to make it far more difficult for
men to act together with effect. At present the fighting must be done
in extended order, which means that each man must act for himself and
at the same time act in combination with others with whom he is no
longer in the old-fashioned elbow-to-elbow touch. Under such conditions
a few men of the highest excellence are worth more than many men
without the special skill which is only found as the result of special
training applied to men of exceptional physique and morale. But
nowadays the most valuable fighting man and the most difficult to
perfect is the rifleman who is also a skillful and daring rider.

The proportion of our cavalry regiments has wisely been increased. The
American cavalryman, trained to manoeuvre and fight with equal facility
on foot and on horseback, is the best type of soldier for general
purposes now to be found in the world. The ideal cavalryman of the
present day is a man who can fight on foot as effectively as the best
infantryman, and who is in addition unsurpassed in the care and
management of his horse and in his ability to fight on horseback.

A general staff should be created. As for the present staff and supply
departments, they should be filled by details from the line, the men so
detailed returning after a while to their line duties. It is very
undesirable to have the senior grades of the Army composed of men who
have come to fill the positions by the mere fact of seniority. A system
should be adopted by which there shall be an elimination grade by grade
of those who seem unfit to render the best service in the next grade.
Justice to the veterans of the Civil War who are still in the Army
would seem to require that in the matter of retirements they be given
by law the same privileges accorded to their comrades in the Navy.

The process of elimination of the least fit should be conducted in a
manner that would render it practically impossible to apply political
or social pressure on behalf of any candidate, so that each man may be
judged purely on his own merits. Pressure for the promotion of civil
officials for political reasons is bad enough, but it is tenfold worse
where applied on behalf of officers of the Army or Navy. Every
promotion and every detail under the War Department must be made solely
with regard to the good of the service and to the capacity and merit of
the man himself. No pressure, political, social, or personal, of any
kind, will be permitted to exercise the least effect in any question of
promotion or detail; and if there is reason to believe that such
pressure is exercised at the instigation of the officer concerned, it
will be held to militate against him. In our Army we cannot afford to
have rewards or duties distributed save on the simple ground that those
who by their own merits are entitled to the rewards get them, and that
those who are peculiarly fit to do the duties are chosen to perform
them.

Every effort should be made to bring the Army to a constantly
increasing state of efficiency. When on actual service no work save
that directly in the line of such service should be required. The paper
work in the Army, as in the Navy, should be greatly reduced. What is
needed is proved power of command and capacity to work well in the
field. Constant care is necessary to prevent dry rot in the
transportation and commissary departments.

Our Army is so small and so much scattered that it is very difficult to
give the higher officers (as well as the lower officers and the
enlisted men) a chance to practice manoeuvres in mass and on a
comparatively large scale. In time of need no amount of individual
excellence would avail against the paralysis which would follow
inability to work as a coherent whole, under skillful and daring
leadership. The Congress should provide means whereby it will be
possible to have field exercises by at least a division of regulars,
and if possible also a division of national guardsmen, once a year.
These exercises might take the form of field manoeuvres; or, if on the
Gulf Coast or the Pacific or Atlantic Seaboard, or in the region of the
Great Lakes, the army corps when assembled could be marched from some
inland point to some point on the water, there embarked, disembarked
after a couple of days' journey at some other point, and again marched
inland. Only by actual handling and providing for men in masses while
they are marching, camping, embarking, and disembarking, will it be
possible to train the higher officers to perform their duties well and
smoothly.

A great debt is owing from the public to the men of the Army and Navy.
They should be so treated as to enable them to reach the highest point
of efficiency, so that they may be able to respond instantly to any
demand made upon them to sustain the interests of the Nation and the
honor of the flag. The individual American enlisted man is probably on
the whole a more formidable fighting man than the regular of any other
army. Every consideration should be shown him, and in return the
highest standard of usefulness should be exacted from him. It is well
worth while for the Congress to consider whether the pay of enlisted
men upon second and subsequent enlistments should not be increased to
correspond with the increased value of the veteran soldier.

Much good has already come from the act reorganizing the Army, passed
early in the present year. The three prime reforms, all of them of
literally inestimable value, are, first, the substitution of four-year
details from the line for permanent appointments in the so-called staff
divisions; second, the establishment of a corps of artillery with a
chief at the head; third, the establishment of a maximum and minimum
limit for the Army. It would be difficult to overestimate the
improvement in the efficiency of our Army which these three reforms are
making, and have in part already effected.

The reorganization provided for by the act has been substantially
accomplished. The improved conditions in the Philippines have enabled
the War Department materially to reduce the military charge upon our
revenue and to arrange the number of soldiers so as to bring this
number much nearer to the minimum than to the maximum limit established
by law. There is, however, need of supplementary legislation. Thorough
military education must be provided, and in addition to the regulars
the advantages of this education should be given to the officers of the
National Guard and others in civil life who desire intelligently to fit
themselves for possible military duty. The officers should be given the
chance to perfect themselves by study in the higher branches of this
art. At West Point the education should be of the kind most apt to turn
out men who are good in actual field service; too much stress should
not be laid on mathematics, nor should proficiency therein be held to
establish the right of entry to a corps d'elite. The typical American
officer of the best kind need not be a good mathematician; but he must
be able to master himself, to control others, and to show boldness and
fertility of resource in every emergency.

Action should be taken in reference to the militia and to the raising
of volunteer forces. Our militia law is obsolete and worthless. The
organization and armament of the National Guard of the several States,
which are treated as militia in the appropriations by the Congress,
should be made identical with those provided for the regular forces.
The obligations and duties of the Guard in time of war should be
carefully defined, and a system established by law under which the
method of procedure of raising volunteer forces should be prescribed in
advance. It is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste of
impending war to do this satisfactorily if the arrangements have not
been made long beforehand. Provision should be made for utilizing in
the first volunteer organizations called out the training of those
citizens who have already had experience under arms, and especially for
the selection in advance of the officers of any force which may be
raised; for careful selection of the kind necessary is impossible after
the outbreak of war.

That the Army is not at all a mere instrument of destruction has been
shown during the last three years. In the Philippines, Cuba, and Puerto
Rico it has proved itself a great constructive force, a most potent
implement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civilization.

No other citizens deserve so well of the Republic as the veterans, the
survivors of those who saved the Union. They did the one deed which if
left undone would have meant that all else in our history went for
nothing. But for their steadfast prowess in the greatest crisis of our
history, all our annals would be meaningless, and our great experiment
in popular freedom and self-government a gloomy failure. Moreover, they
not only left us a united Nation, but they left us also as a heritage
the memory of the mighty deeds by which the Nation was kept united. We
are now indeed one Nation, one in fact as well as in name; we are
united in our devotion to the flag which is the symbol of national
greatness and unity; and the very completeness of our union enables us
all, in every part of the country, to glory in the valor shown alike by
the sons of the North and the sons of the South in the times that tried
men's souls.

The men who in the last three years have done so well in the East and
the West Indies and on the mainland of Asia have shown that this
remembrance is not lost. In any serious crisis the United States must
rely for the great mass of its fighting men upon the volunteer soldiery
who do not make a permanent profession of the military career; and
whenever such a crisis arises the deathless memories of the Civil War
will give to Americans the lift of lofty purpose which comes to those
whose fathers have stood valiantly in the forefront of the battle.

The merit system of making appointments is in its essence as democratic
and American as the common school system itself. It simply means that
in clerical and other positions where the duties are entirely
non-political, all applicants should have a fair field and no favor,
each standing on his merits as he is able to show them by practical
test. Written competitive examinations offer the only available means
in many cases for applying this system. In other cases, as where
laborers are employed, a system of registration undoubtedly can be
widely extended. There are, of course, places where the written
competitive examination cannot be applied, and others where it offers
by no means an ideal solution, but where under existing political
conditions it is, though an imperfect means, yet the best present means
of getting satisfactory results.

Wherever the conditions have permitted the application of the merit
system in its fullest and widest sense, the gain to the Government has
been immense. The navy-yards and postal service illustrate, probably
better than any other branches of the Government, the great gain in
economy, efficiency, and honesty due to the enforcement of this
principle.

I recommend the passage of a law which will extend the classified
service to the District of Columbia, or will at least enable the
President thus to extend it. In my judgment all laws providing for the
temporary employment of clerks should hereafter contain a provision
that they be selected under the Civil Service Law.

It is important to have this system obtain at home, but it is even more
important to have it applied rigidly in our insular possessions. Not an
office should be filled in the Philippines or Puerto Rico with any
regard to the man's partisan affiliations or services, with any regard
to the political, social, or personal influence which he may have at
his command; in short, heed should be paid to absolutely nothing save
the man's own character and capacity and the needs of the service.

The administration of these islands should be as wholly free from the
suspicion of partisan politics as the administration of the Army and
Navy. All that we ask from the public servant in the Philippines or
Puerto Rico is that he reflect honor on his country by the way in which
he makes that country's rule a benefit to the peoples who have come
under it. This is all that we should ask, and we cannot afford to be
content with less.

The merit system is simply one method of securing honest and efficient
administration of the Government; and in the long run the sole
justification of any type of government lies in its proving itself both
honest and efficient.

The consular service is now organized under the provisions of a law
passed in 1856, which is entirely inadequate to existing conditions.
The interest shown by so many commercial bodies throughout the country
in the reorganization of the service is heartily commended to your
attention. Several bills providing for a new consular service have in
recent years been submitted to the Congress. They are based upon the
just principle that appointments to the service should be made only
after a practical test of the applicant's fitness, that promotions
should be governed by trustworthiness, adaptability, and zeal in the
performance of duty, and that the tenure of office should be unaffected
by partisan considerations.

The guardianship and fostering of our rapidly expanding foreign
commerce, the protection of American citizens resorting to foreign
countries in lawful pursuit of their affairs, and the maintenance of
the dignity of the nation abroad, combine to make it essential that our
consuls should be men of character, knowledge and enterprise. It is
true that the service is now, in the main, efficient, but a standard of
excellence cannot be permanently maintained until the principles set
forth in the bills heretofore submitted to the Congress on this subject
are enacted into law.

In my judgment the time has arrived when we should definitely make up
our minds to recognize the Indian as an individual and not as a member
of a tribe. The General Allotment Act is a mighty pulverizing engine to
break up the tribal mass. It acts directly upon the family and the
individual. Under its provisions some sixty thousand Indians have
already become citizens of the United States. We should now break up
the tribal funds, doing for them what allotment does for the tribal
lands; that is, they should be divided into individual holdings. There
will be a transition period during which the funds will in many cases
have to be held in trust. This is the case also with the lands. A stop
should be put upon the indiscriminate permission to Indians to lease
their allotments. The effort should be steadily to make the Indian work
like any other man on his own ground. The marriage laws of the Indians
should be made the same as those of the whites.

In the schools the education should be elementary and largely
industrial. The need of higher education among the Indians is very,
very limited. On the reservations care should be taken to try to suit
the teaching to the needs of the particular Indian. There is no use in
attempting to induce agriculture in a country suited only for cattle
raising, where the Indian should be made a stock grower. The ration
system, which is merely the corral and the reservation system, is
highly detrimental to the Indians. It promotes beggary, perpetuates
pauperism, and stifles industry. It is an effectual barrier to
progress. It must continue to a greater or less degree as long as
tribes are herded on reservations and have everything in common. The
Indian should be treated as an individual--like the white man. During
the change of treatment inevitable hardships will occur; every effort
should be made to minimize these hardships; but we should not because
of them hesitate to make the change. There should be a continuous
reduction in the number of agencies.

In dealing with the aboriginal races few things are more important than
to preserve them from the terrible physical and moral degradation
resulting from the liquor traffic. We are doing all we can to save our
own Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by international agreement
this same end can be attained as regards races where we do not possess
exclusive control, every effort should be made to bring it about.

I bespeak the most cordial support from the Congress and the people for
the St. Louis Exposition to commemorate the One Hundredth Anniversary
of the Louisiana Purchase. This purchase was the greatest instance of
expansion in our history. It definitely decided that we were to become
a great continental republic, by far the foremost power in the Western
Hemisphere. It is one of three or four great landmarks in our
history--the great turning points in our development. It is eminently
fitting that all our people should join with heartiest good will in
commemorating it, and the citizens of St. Louis, of Missouri, of all
the adjacent region, are entitled to every aid in making the
celebration a noteworthy event in our annals. We earnestly hope that
foreign nations will appreciate the deep interest our country takes in
this Exposition, and our view of its importance from every standpoint,
and that they will participate in securing its success. The National
Government should be represented by a full and complete set of
exhibits.

The people of Charleston, with great energy and civic spirit, are
carrying on an Exposition which will continue throughout most of the
present session of the Congress. I heartily commend this Exposition to
the good will of the people. It deserves all the encouragement that can
be given it. The managers of the Charleston Exposition have requested
the Cabinet officers to place thereat the Government exhibits which
have been at Buffalo, promising to pay the necessary expenses. I have
taken the responsibility of directing that this be done, for I feel
that it is due to Charleston to help her in her praiseworthy effort. In
my opinion the management should not be required to pay all these
expenses. I earnestly recommend that the Congress appropriate at once
the small sum necessary for this purpose.

The Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo has just closed. Both from the
industrial and the artistic standpoint this Exposition has been in a
high degree creditable and useful, not merely to Buffalo but to the
United States. The terrible tragedy of the President's assassination
interfered materially with its being a financial success. The
Exposition was peculiarly in harmony with the trend of our public
policy, because it represented an effort to bring into closer touch all
the peoples of the Western Hemisphere, and give them an increasing
sense of unity. Such an effort was a genuine service to the entire
American public.

The advancement of the highest interests of national science and
learning and the custody of objects of art and of the valuable results
of scientific expeditions conducted by the United States have been
committed to the Smithsonian Institution. In furtherance of its
declared purpose--for the "increase and diffusion of knowledge among
men"--the Congress has from time to time given it other important
functions. Such trusts have been executed by the Institution with
notable fidelity. There should be no halt in the work of the
Institution, in accordance with the plans which its Secretary has
presented, for the preservation of the vanishing races of great North
American animals in the National Zoological Park. The urgent needs of
the National Museum are recommended to the favorable consideration of
the Congress.

Perhaps the most characteristic educational movement of the past fifty
years is that which has created the modern public library and developed
it into broad and active service. There are now over five thousand
public libraries in the United States, the product of this period. In
addition to accumulating material, they are also striving by
organization, by improvement in method, and by co-operation, to give
greater efficiency to the material they hold, to make it more widely
useful, and by avoidance of unnecessary duplication in process to
reduce the cost of its administration.

In these efforts they naturally look for assistance to the Federal
library, which, though still the Library of Congress, and so entitled,
is the one national library of the United States. Already the largest
single collection of books on the Western Hemisphere, and certain to
increase more rapidly than any other through purchase, exchange, and
the operation of the copyright law, this library has a unique
opportunity to render to the libraries of this country--to American
scholarship--service of the highest importance. It is housed in a
building which is the largest and most magnificent yet erected for
library uses. Resources are now being provided which will develop the
collection properly, equip it with the apparatus and service necessary
to its effective use, render its bibliographic work widely available,
and enable it to become, not merely a center of research, but the chief
factor in great co-operative efforts for the diffusion of knowledge and
the advancement of learning.

For the sake of good administration, sound economy, and the advancement
of science, the Census Office as now constituted should be made a
permanent Government bureau. This would insure better, cheaper, and
more satisfactory work, in the interest not only of our business but of
statistic, economic, and social science.

The remarkable growth of the postal service is shown in the fact that
its revenues have doubled and its expenditures have nearly doubled
within twelve years. Its progressive development compels constantly
increasing outlay, but in this period of business energy and prosperity
its receipts grow so much faster than its expenses that the annual
deficit has been steadily reduced from $11,411,779 in 1897 to
$3,923,727 in 1901. Among recent postal advances the success of rural
free delivery wherever established has been so marked, and actual
experience has made its benefits so plain, that the demand for its
extension is general and urgent.

It is just that the great agricultural population should share in the
improvement of the service. The number of rural routes now in operation
is 6,009, practically all established within three years, and there are
6,000 applications awaiting action. It is expected that the number in
operation at the close of the current fiscal year will reach 8,600. The
mail will then be daily carried to the doors of 5,700,000 of our people
who have heretofore been dependent upon distant offices, and one-third
of all that portion of the country which is adapted to it will be
covered by this kind of service.

The full measure of postal progress which might be realized has long
been hampered and obstructed by the heavy burden imposed on the
Government through the intrenched and well-understood abuses which have
grown up in connection with second-class mail matter. The extent of
this burden appears when it is stated that while the second-class
matter makes nearly three-fifths of the weight of all the mail, it paid
for the last fiscal year only $4,294,445 of the aggregate postal
revenue of $111,631,193. If the pound rate of postage, which produces
the large loss thus entailed, and which was fixed by the Congress with
the purpose of encouraging the dissemination of public information,
were limited to the legitimate newspapers and periodicals actually
contemplated by the law, no just exception could be taken. That expense
would be the recognized and accepted cost of a liberal public policy
deliberately adopted for a justifiable end. But much of the matter
which enjoys the privileged rate is wholly outside of the intent of the
law, and has secured admission only through an evasion of its
requirements or through lax construction. The proportion of such
wrongly included matter is estimated by postal experts to be one-half
of the whole volume of second-class mail. If it be only one-third or
one-quarter, the magnitude of the burden is apparent. The Post-Office
Department has now undertaken to remove the abuses so far as is
possible by a stricter application of the law; and it should be
sustained in its effort.

Owing to the rapid growth of our power and our interests on the
Pacific, whatever happens in China must be of the keenest national
concern to us.

The general terms of the settlement of the questions growing out of the
antiforeign uprisings in China of 1900, having been formulated in a
joint note addressed to China by the representatives of the injured
powers in December last, were promptly accepted by the Chinese
Government. After protracted conferences the plenipotentiaries of the
several powers were able to sign a final protocol with the Chinese
plenipotentiaries on the 7th of last September, setting forth the
measures taken by China in compliance with the demands of the joint
note, and expressing their satisfaction therewith. It will be laid
before the Congress, with a report of the plenipotentiary on behalf of
the United States, Mr. William Woodville Rockhill, to whom high praise
is due for the tact, good judgment, and energy he has displayed in
performing an exceptionally difficult and delicate task.

The agreement reached disposes in a manner satisfactory to the powers
of the various grounds of complaint, and will contribute materially to
better future relations between China and the powers. Reparation has
been made by China for the murder of foreigners during the uprising and
punishment has been inflicted on the officials, however high in rank,
recognized as responsible for or having participated in the outbreak.
Official examinations have been forbidden for a period of five years in
all cities in which foreigners have been murdered or cruelly treated,
and edicts have been issued making all officials directly responsible
for the future safety of foreigners and for the suppression of violence
against them.

Provisions have been made for insuring the future safety of the foreign
representatives in Peking by setting aside for their exclusive use a
quarter of the city which the powers can make defensible and in which
they can if necessary maintain permanent military guards; by
dismantling the military works between the capital and the sea; and by
allowing the temporary maintenance of foreign military posts along this
line. An edict has been issued by the Emperor of China prohibiting for
two years the importation of arms and ammunition into China. China has
agreed to pay adequate indemnities to the states, societies, and
individuals for the losses sustained by them and for the expenses of
the military expeditions sent by the various powers to protect life and
restore order.

Under the provisions of the joint note of December, 1900, China has
agreed to revise the treaties of commerce and navigation and to take
such other steps for the purpose of facilitating foreign trade as the
foreign powers may decide to be needed.

The Chinese Government has agreed to participate financially in the
work of bettering the water approaches to Shanghai and to Tientsin, the
centers of foreign trade in central and northern China, and an
international conservancy board, in which the Chinese Government is
largely represented, has been provided for the improvement of the
Shanghai River and the control of its navigation. In the same line of
commercial advantages a revision of the present tariff on imports has
been assented to for the purpose of substituting specific for ad
valorem duties, and an expert has been sent abroad on the part of the
United States to assist in this work. A list of articles to remain free
of duty, including flour, cereals, and rice, gold and silver coin and
bullion, has also been agreed upon in the settlement.

During these troubles our Government has unswervingly advocated
moderation, and has materially aided in bringing about an adjustment
which tends to enhance the welfare of China and to lead to a more
beneficial intercourse between the Empire and the modern world; while
in the critical period of revolt and massacre we did our full share in
safe-guarding life and property, restoring order, and vindicating the
national interest and honor. It behooves us to continue in these paths,
doing what lies in our power to foster feelings of good will, and
leaving no effort untried to work out the great policy of full and fair
intercourse between China and the nations, on a footing of equal rights
and advantages to all. We advocate the "open door" with all that it
implies; not merely the procurement of enlarged commercial
opportunities on the coasts, but access to the interior by the
waterways with which China has been so extraordinarily favored. Only by
bringing the people of China into peaceful and friendly community of
trade with all the peoples of the earth can the work now auspiciously
begun be carried to fruition. In the attainment of this purpose we
necessarily claim parity of treatment, under the conventions,
throughout the Empire for our trade and our citizens with those of all
other powers.

We view with lively interest and keen hopes of beneficial results the
proceedings of the Pan-American Congress, convoked at the invitation of
Mexico, and now sitting at the Mexican capital. The delegates of the
United States are under the most liberal instructions to cooperate with
their colleagues in all matters promising advantage to the great family
of American commonwealths, as well in their relations among themselves
as in their domestic advancement and in their intercourse with the
world at large.

My predecessor communicated to the Congress the fact that the Weil and
La Abra awards against Mexico have been adjudged by the highest courts
of our country to have been obtained through fraud and perjury on the
part of the claimants, and that in accordance with the acts of the
Congress the money remaining in the hands of the Secretary of State on
these awards has been returned to Mexico. A considerable portion of the
money received from Mexico on these awards had been paid by this
Government to the claimants before the decision of the courts was
rendered. My judgment is that the Congress should return to Mexico an
amount equal to the sums thus already paid to the claimants.

The death of Queen Victoria caused the people of the United States deep
and heartfelt sorrow, to which the Government gave full expression.
When President McKinley died, our Nation in turn received from every
quarter of the British Empire expressions of grief and sympathy no less
sincere. The death of the Empress Dowager Frederick of Germany also
aroused the genuine sympathy of the American people; and this sympathy
was cordially reciprocated by Germany when the President was
assassinated. Indeed, from every quarter of the civilized world we
received, at the time of the President's death, assurances of such
grief and regard as to touch the hearts of our people. In the midst of
our affliction we reverently thank the Almighty that we are at peace
with the nations of mankind; and we firmly intend that our policy shall
be such as to continue unbroken these international relations of mutual
respect and good will.