Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

The auspicious circumstances under which you will commence the duties of
the present session will lighten the burdens inseparable from the high
trust committed to you. The fruits of the earth have been unusually
abundant, commerce has flourished, the revenue has exceeded the most
favorable anticipation, and peace and amity are preserved with foreign
nations on conditions just and honorable to our country. For these
inestimable blessings we can not but be grateful to that Providence which
watches over the destiny of nations.

As the term limited for the operation of the commercial convention with
Great Britain will expire early in the month of July next, and it was
deemed important that there should be no interval during which that portion
of our commerce which was provided for by that convention should not be
regulated, either by arrangement between the two Governments or by the
authority of Congress, the minister of the United States at London was
instructed early in the last summer to invite the attention of the British
Government to the subject, with a view to that object. He was instructed to
propose also that the negotiation which it was wished to open might extend
to the general commerce of the two countries, and to every other interest
and unsettled difference between them in the hope that an arrangement might
be made on principles of reciprocal advantage which might comprehend and
provide in a satisfactory manner for all these high concerns.

I have the satisfaction to state that the proposal was received by the
British Government in the spirit which prompted it, and that a negotiation
has been opened at London embracing all these objects. On full
consideration of the great extent and magnitude of the trust it was thought
proper to commit it to not less than two of our distinguished citizens, and
in consequence the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the
United States at Paris has been associated with our envoy extraordinary and
minister plenipotentiary at London, to both of whom corresponding
instructions have been given, and they are now engaged in the discharge of
its duties. It is proper to add that to prevent any inconvenience resulting
from the delay incident to a negotiation on so many important subjects it
was agreed before entering on it that the existing convention should be
continued for a term not less than eight years.

Our relations with Spain remain nearly in the state in which they were at
the close of the last session. The convention of 1802, providing for the
adjustment of a certain portion of the claims of our citizens for injuries
sustained by spoliation, and so long suspended by the Spanish Government,
has at length been ratified by it, but no arrangement has yet been made for
the payment of another portion of like claims, not less extensive or well
founded, or for other classes of claims, or for the settlement of
boundaries. These subjects have again been brought under consideration in
both countries, but no agreement has been entered into respecting them.

In the mean time events have occurred which clearly prove the ill effect of
the policy which that Government has so long pursued on the friendly
relations of the two countries, which it is presumed is at least of as much
importance to Spain as to the United States to maintain. A state of things
has existed in the Floridas the tendency of which has been obvious to all
who have paid the slightest attention to the progress of affairs in that
quarter. Throughout the whole of those Provinces to which the Spanish title
extends the Government of Spain has scarcely been felt. Its authority has
been confined almost exclusively to the walls of Pensacola and St.
Augustine, within which only small garrisons have been maintained.
Adventurers from every country, fugitives from justice, and absconding
slaves have found an asylum there. Several tribes of Indians, strong in the
number of their warriors, remarkable for their ferocity, and whose
settlements extend to our limits, inhabit those Provinces.

These different hordes of people, connected together, disregarding on the
one side the authority of Spain, and protected on the other by an imaginary
line which separates Florida from the United States, have violated our laws
prohibiting the introduction of slaves, have practiced various frauds on
our revenue, and committed every kind of outrage on our peaceable citizens
which their proximity to us enabled them to perpetrate.

The invasion of Amelia Island last year by a small band of adventurers, not
exceeding one hundred and fifty in number, who wrested it from the
inconsiderable Spanish force stationed there, and held it several months,
during which a single feeble effort only was made to recover it, which
failed, clearly proves how completely extinct the Spanish authority had
become, as the conduct of those adventurers while in possession of the
island as distinctly shows the pernicious purposes for which their
combination had been formed.

This country had, in fact, become the theater of every species of lawless
adventure. With little population of its own, the Spanish authority almost
extinct, and the colonial governments in a state of revolution, having no
pretension to it, and sufficiently employed in their own concerns, it was
in great measure derelict, and the object of cupidity to every adventurer.
A system of buccaneering was rapidly organizing over it which menaced in
its consequences the lawful commerce of every nation, and particularly the
United States, while it presented a temptation to every people, on whose
seduction its success principally depended.

In regard to the United States, the pernicious effect of this unlawful
combination was not confined to the ocean; the Indian tribes have
constituted the effective force in Florida. With these tribes these
adventurers had formed at an early period a connection with a view to avail
themselves of that force to promote their own projects of accumulation and
aggrandizement. It is to the interference of some of these adventurers, in
misrepresenting the claims and titles of the Indians to land and in
practicing on their savage propensities, that the Seminole war is
principally to be traced. Men who thus connect themselves with savage
communities and stimulate them to war, which is always attended on their
part with acts of barbarity the most shocking, deserve to be viewed in a
worse light than the savages. They would certainly have no claim to an
immunity from the punishment which, according to the rules of warfare
practiced by the savages, might justly be inflicted on the savages
themselves.

If the embarrassments of Spain prevented her from making an indemnity to
our citizens for so long a time from her treasury for their losses by
spoliation and otherwise, it was always in her power to have provided it by
the cession of this territory. Of this her Government has been repeatedly
apprised, and the cession was the more to have been anticipated as Spain
must have known that in ceding it she would likewise relieve herself from
the important obligation secured by the treaty of 1795 and all other
compromitments respecting it. If the United States, from consideration of
these embarrassments, declined pressing their claims in a spirit of
hostility, the motive ought at least to have been duly appreciated by the
Government of Spain. It is well known to her Government that other powers
have made to the United States an indemnity for like losses sustained by
their citizens at the same epoch.

There is nevertheless a limit beyond which this spirit of amity and
forbearance can in no instance be justified. If it was proper to rely on
amicable negotiation for an indemnity for losses, it would not have been so
to have permitted the inability of Spain to fulfill her engagements and to
sustain her authority in the Floridas to be perverted by foreign
adventurers and savages to purposes so destructive to the lives of our
fellow citizens and the highest interests of the United States.

The right of self defense never ceases. It is among the most sacred, and
alike necessary to nations and to individuals, and whether the attack be
made by Spain herself or by those who abuse her power, its obligation is
not the less strong.

The invaders of Amelia Island had assumed a popular and respected title
under which they might approach and wound us. As their object was
distinctly seen, and the duty imposed on the Executive by an existing law
was profoundly felt, that mask was not permitted to protect them. It was
thought incumbent on the United States to suppress the establishment, and
it was accordingly done. The combination in Florida for the unlawful
purposes stated, the acts perpetrated by that combination, and, above all,
the incitement of the Indians to massacre our fellow citizens of every age
and of both sexes, merited a like treatment and received it.

In pursuing these savages to an imaginary line in the woods it would have
been the height of folly to have suffered that line to protect them. Had
that been done the war could never cease. Even if the territory had been
exclusively that of Spain and her power complete over it, we had a right by
the law of nations to follow the enemy on it and to subdue him there. But
the territory belonged, in a certain sense at least, to the savage enemy
who inhabited it; the power of Spain had ceased to exist over it, and
protection was sought under her title by those who had committed on our
citizens hostilities which she was bound by treaty to have prevented, but
had not the power to prevent. To have stopped at that line would have given
new encouragement to these savages and new vigor to the whole combination
existing there in the prosecution of all its pernicious purposes.

In suppressing the establishment at Amelia Island no unfriendliness was
manifested toward Spain, because the post was taken from a force which had
wrested it from her. The measure, it is true, was not adopted in concert
with the Spanish Government or those in authority under it, because in
transactions connected with the war in which Spain and the colonies are
engaged it was thought proper in doing justice to the United States to
maintain a strict impartiality toward both the belligerent parties without
consulting or acting in concert with either. It gives me pleasure to state
that the Governments of Buenos Ayres and Venezuela, whose names were
assumed, have explicitly disclaimed all participation in those measures,
and even the knowledge of them until communicated by this Government, and
have also expressed their satisfaction that a course of proceedings had
been suppressed which if justly imputable to them would dishonor their
cause.

In authorizing Major-General Jackson to enter Florida in pursuit of the
Seminoles care was taken not to encroach on the rights of Spain. I regret
to have to add that in executing this order facts were disclosed respecting
the conduct of the officers of Spain in authority there in encouraging the
war, furnishing munitions of war and other supplies to carry it on, and in
other acts not less marked which evinced their participation in the hostile
purposes of that combination and justified the confidence with which it
inspired the savages that by those officers they would be protected.

A conduct so incompatible with the friendly relations existing between the
two countries, particularly with the positive obligations of the 5th
article of the treaty of 1795, by which Spain was bound to restrain, even
by force, those savages from acts of hostility against the United States,
could not fail to excite surprise. The commanding general was convinced
that he should fail in his object, that he should in effect accomplish
nothing, if he did not deprive those savages of the resource on which they
had calculated and of the protection on which they had relied in making the
war. As all the documents relating to this occurrence will be laid before
Congress, it is not necessary to enter into further detail respecting it.

Although the reasons which induced Major-General Jackson to take these
posts were duly appreciated, there was nevertheless no hesitation in
deciding on the course which it became the Government to pursue. As there
was reason to believe that the commanders of these posts had violated their
instructions, there was no disposition to impute to their Government a
conduct so unprovoked and hostile. An order was in consequence issued to
the general in command there to deliver the posts--Pensacola
unconditionally to any person duly authorized to receive it, and St. Marks,
which is in the heart of the Indian country, on the arrival of a competent
force to defend it against those savages and their associates.

In entering Florida to suppress this combination no idea was entertained of
hostility to Spain, and however justifiable the commanding general was, in
consequence of the misconduct of the Spanish officers, in entering St.
Marks and Pensacola to terminate it by proving to the savages and their
associates that they should not be protected even there, yet the amicable
relations existing between the United States and Spain could not be altered
by that act alone. By ordering the restitution of the posts those relations
were preserved. To a change of them the power of the Executive is deemed
incompetent; it is vested in Congress only.

By this measure, so promptly taken, due respect was shown to the Government
of Spain. The misconduct of her officers has not been imputed to her. She
was enabled to review with candor her relations with the United States and
her own situation, particularly in respect to the territory in question,
with the dangers inseparable from it, and regarding the losses we have
sustained for which indemnity has been so long withheld, and the injuries
we have suffered through that territory, and her means of redress, she was
likewise enabled to take with honor the course best calculated to do
justice to the United States and to promote her own welfare.

Copies of the instructions to the commanding general, of his correspondence
with the Secretary of War, explaining his motives and justifying his
conduct, with a copy of the proceedings of the courts-martial in the trial
of Arbuthnot and Ambristie, and of the correspondence between the Secretary
of State and the minister plenipotentiary of Spain near this Government,
and of the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid with the
Government of Spain, will be laid before Congress.

The civil war which has so long prevailed between Spain and the Provinces
in South America still continues, without any prospect of its speedy
termination. The information respecting the condition of those countries
which has been collected by the commissioners recently returned from thence
will be laid before Congress in copies of their reports, with such other
information as has been received from other agents of the United States.

It appears from these communications that the Government at Buenos Ayres
declared itself independent in July, 1816, having previously exercised the
power of an independent Government, though in the name of the King of
Spain, from the year 1810; that the Banda Oriental, Entre Rios, and
Paraguay, with the city of Santa Fee, all of which are also independent,
are unconnected with the present Government of Buenos Ayres; that Chili has
declared itself independent and is closely connected with Buenos Ayres;
that Venezuela has also declared itself independent, and now maintains the
conflict with various success; and that the remaining parts of South
America, except Monte Video and such other portions of the eastern bank of
the La Plata as are held by Portugal, are still in the possession of Spain
or in a certain degree under her influence.

By a circular note addressed by the ministers of Spain to the allied
powers, with whom they are respectively accredited, it appears that the
allies have undertaken to mediate between Spain and the South American
Provinces, and that the manner and extent of their interposition would be
settled by a congress which was to have met at Aix-la-Chapelle in September
last. From the general policy and course of proceeding observed by the
allied powers in regard to this contest it is inferred that they will
confine their interposition to the expression of their sentiments,
abstaining from the application of force. I state this impression that
force will not be applied with the greater satisfaction because it is a
course more consistent with justice and likewise authorizes a hope that the
calamities of the war will be confined to the parties only, and will be of
shorter duration.

From the view taken of this subject, founded on all the information that we
have been able to obtain, there is good cause to be satisfied with the
course heretofore pursued by the United States in regard to this contest,
and to conclude that it is proper to adhere to it, especially in the
present state of affairs.

I have great satisfaction in stating that our relations with France,
Russia, and other powers continue on the most friendly basis.

In our domestic concerns we have ample cause of satisfaction. The receipts
into the Treasury during the three first quarters of the year have exceeded
$17 millions.

After satisfying all the demands which have been made under existing
appropriations, including the final extinction of the old 6% stock and the
redemption of a moiety of the Louisiana debt, it is estimated that there
will remain in the Treasury on the 1st day of January next more than $2
millions.

It is ascertained that the gross revenue which has accrued from the customs
during the same period amounts to $21 millions, and that the revenue of
the whole year may be estimated at not less than $26 millions. The sale
of the public lands during the year has also greatly exceeded, both in
quantity and price, that of any former year, and there is just reason to
expect a progressive improvement in that source of revenue.

It is gratifying to know that although the annual expenditure has been
increased by the act of the last session of Congress providing for
Revolutionary pensions to an amount about equal to the proceeds of the
internal duties which were then repealed, the revenue for the ensuing year
will be proportionally augmented, and that whilst the public expenditure
will probably remain stationary, each successive year will add to the
national resources by the ordinary increase of our population and by the
gradual development of our latent sources of national prosperity.

The strict execution of the revenue laws, resulting principally from the
salutary provisions of the act of the 20th of April last amending the
several collection laws, has, it is presumed, secured to domestic
manufactures all the relief that can be derived from the duties which have
been imposed upon foreign merchandise for their protection. Under the
influence of this relief several branches of this important national
interest have assumed greater activity, and although it is hoped that
others will gradually revive and ultimately triumph over every obstacle,
yet the expediency of granting further protection is submitted to your
consideration.

The measures of defense authorized by existing laws have been pursued with
the zeal and activity due to so important an object, and with all the
dispatch practicable in so extensive and great an undertaking. The survey
of our maritime and inland frontiers has been continued, and at the points
where it was decided to erect fortifications the work has been commenced,
and in some instances considerable progress has been made. In compliance
with resolutions of the last session, the Board of Commissioners were
directed to examine in a particular manner the parts of the coast therein
designated and to report their opinion of the most suitable sites for two
naval depots. This work is in a train of execution. The opinion of the
Board on this subject, with a plan of all the works necessary to a general
system of defense so far as it has been formed, will be laid before
Congress in a report from the proper department as soon as it can be
prepared.

In conformity with the appropriations of the last session, treaties have
been formed with the Quapaw tribe of Indians, inhabiting the country on the
Arkansaw, and the Great and Little Osages north of the White River; with
the tribes in the State of Indiana; with the several tribes within the
State of Ohio and the Michigan Territory, and with the Chickasaws, by which
very extensive cessions of territory have been made to the United States.
Negotiations are now depending with the tribes in the Illinois Territory
and with the Choctaws, by which it is expected that other extensive
cessions will be made. I take great interest in stating that the cessions
already made, which are considered so important to the United States, have
been obtained on conditions very satisfactory to the Indians.

With a view to the security of our inland frontiers, it has been thought
expedient to establish strong posts at the mouth of Yellow Stone River and
at the Mandan village on the Missouri, and at the mouth of St. Peters on
the Mississippi, at no great distance from our northern boundaries. It can
hardly be presumed while such posts are maintained in the rear of the
Indian tribes that they will venture to attack our peaceable inhabitants. A
strong hope is entertained that this measure will likewise be productive of
much good to the tribes themselves, especially in promoting the great
object of their civilization.

Experience has clearly demonstrated that independent savage communities can
not long exist within the limits of a civilized population. The progress of
the latter has almost invariably terminated in the extinction of the
former, especially of the tribes belonging to our portion of this
hemisphere, among whom loftiness of sentiment and gallantry in action have
been conspicuous. To civilize them, and even to prevent their extinction,
it seems to be indispensable that their independence as communities should
cease, and that the control of the United States over them should be
complete and undisputed. The hunter state will then be more easily
abandoned, and recourse will be had to the acquisition and culture of land
and to other pursuits tending to dissolve the ties which connect them
together as a savage community and to give a new character to every
individual. I present this subject to the consideration of Congress on the
presumption that it may be found expedient and practicable to adopt some
benevolent provisions, having these objects in view, relative to the tribes
within our settlements.

It has been necessary during the present year to maintain a strong naval
force in the Mediterranean and in the Gulf of Mexico, and to send some
public ships along the southern coast and to the Pacific Ocean. By these
means amicable relations with the Barbary Powers have been preserved, our
commerce has been protected, and our rights respected. The augmentation of
our Navy is advancing with a steady progress toward the limit contemplated
by law.

I communicate with great satisfaction the accession of another State
(Illinois) to our Union, because I perceive from the proof afforded by the
additions already made the regular progress and sure consummation of a
policy of which history affords no example, and of which the good effect
can not be too highly estimated. By extending our Government on the
principles of our Constitution over the vast territory within our limits,
on the Lakes and the Mississippi and its numerous streams, new life and
vigor are infused into every part of our system. By increasing the number
of the States the confidence of the State governments in their own security
is increased and their jealousy of the National Government proportionally
diminished.

The impracticability of one consolidated Government for this great and
growing nation will be more apparent and will be universally admitted.
Incapable of exercising local authority except for general purposes, the
General Government will no longer be dreaded. In those cases of a local
nature and for all the great purposes for which it was instituted its
authority will be cherished. Each Government will acquire new force and a
greater freedom of action within its proper sphere.

Other inestimable advantages will follow. Our produce will be augmented to
an incalculable amount in articles of the greatest value for domestic use
and foreign commerce. Our navigation will in like degree be increased, and
as the shipping of the Atlantic States will be employed in the
transportation of the vast produce of the Western country, even those parts
of the United States which are most remote from each other will be further
bound together by the strongest ties which mutual interest can create.

The situation of this District, it is thought, requires the attention of
Congress. By the Constitution the power of legislation is exclusively
vested in the Congress of the United States. In the exercise of this power,
in which the people have no participation, Congress legislate in all cases
directly on the local concerns of the District. As this is a departure, for
a special purpose, from the general principles of our system, it may merit
consideration whether an arrangement better adapted to the principles of
our Government and to the particular interests of the people may not be
devised which will neither infringe the Constitution nor affect the object
which the provision in question was intended to secure. The growing
population, already considerable, and the increasing business of the
District, which it is believed already interferes with the deliberations of
Congress on great national concerns, furnish additional motives for
recommending this subject to your consideration.

When we view the great blessings with which our country has been favored,
those which we now enjoy, and the means which we possess of handing them
down unimpaired to our latest posterity, our attention is irresistibly
drawn to the source from whence they flow. Let us, then, unite in offering
our most grateful acknowledgments for these blessings to the Divine Author
of All Good.