Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

When we call to mind the gracious indulgence of Heaven by which the
American people became a nation; when we survey the general prosperity of
our country, and look forward to the riches, power, and happiness to which
it seems destined, with the deepest regret do I announce to you that during
your recess some of the citizens of the United States have been found
capable of insurrection. It is due, however, to the character of our
Government and to its stability, which can not be shaken by the enemies of
order, freely to unfold the course of this event.

During the session of the year 1790 it was expedient to exercise the
legislative power granted by the Constitution of the United States "to lay
and collect excises". In a majority of the States scarcely an objection was
heard to this mode of taxation. In some, indeed, alarms were at first
conceived, until they were banished by reason and patriotism. In the four
western counties of Pennsylvania a prejudice, fostered and imbittered by
the artifice of men who labored for an ascendency over the will of others
by the guidance of their passions, produced symptoms of riot and violence.

It is well known that Congress did not hesitate to examine the complaints
which were presented, and to relieve them as far as justice dictated or
general convenience would permit. But the impression which this moderation
made on the discontented did not correspond with what it deserved. The arts
of delusion were no longer confined to the efforts of designing
individuals. The very forbearance to press prosecutions was misinterpreted
into a fear of urging the execution of the laws, and associations of men
began to denounce threats against the officers employed. From a belief that
by a more formal concert their operation might be defeated, certain
self-created societies assumed the tone of condemnation. Hence, while the
greater part of Pennsylvania itself were conforming themselves to the acts
of excise, a few counties were resolved to frustrate them. It is now
perceived that every expectation from the tenderness which had been
hitherto pursued was unavailing, and that further delay could only create
an opinion of impotency or irresolution in the Government. Legal process
was therefore delivered to the marshal against the rioters and delinquent
distillers.

No sooner was he understood to be engaged in this duty than the vengeance
of armed men was aimed at his person and the person and property of the
inspector of the revenue. They fired upon the marshal, arrested him, and
detained him for some time as a prisoner. He was obliged, by the jeopardy
of his life, to renounce the service of other process on the west side of
the Allegheny Mountain, and a deputation was afterwards sent to him to
demand a surrender of that which he had served. A numerous body repeatedly
attacked the house of the inspector, seized his papers of office, and
finally destroyed by fire his buildings and whatsoever they contained. Both
of these officers, from a just regard to their safety, fled to the seat of
Government, it being avowed that the motives to such outrages were to
compel the resignation of the inspector, to withstand by force of arms the
authority of the United States, and thereby to extort a repeal of the laws
of excise and an alteration in the conduct of Government.

Upon testimony of these facts an associate justice of the Supreme Court of
the United States notified to me that "in the counties of Washington and
Allegheny, in Pennsylvania, laws of the United States were opposed, and the
execution thereof obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed
by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in
the marshal of that district".

On this call, momentous in the extreme, I sought and weighted what might
best subdue the crisis. On the one hand the judiciary was pronounced to be
stripped of its capacity to enforce the laws; crimes which reached the very
existence of social order were perpetrated without control; the friends of
Government were insulted, abused, and overawed into silence or an apparent
acquiescence; and to yield to the treasonable fury of so small a portion of
the United States would be to violate the fundamental principle of our
Constitution, which enjoins that the will of the majority shall prevail. On
the other, to array citizen against citizen, to publish the dishonor of
such excesses, to encounter the expense and other embarrassments of so
distant an expedition, were steps too delicate, too closely interwoven with
many affecting considerations, to be lightly adopted.

I postponed, therefore, the summoning of the militia immediately into the
field, but I required them to be held in readiness, that if my anxious
endeavors to reclaim the deluded and to convince the malignant of their
danger should be fruitless, military force might be prepared to act before
the season should be too far advanced.

My proclamation of the 7th of August last was accordingly issued, and
accompanied by the appointment of commissioners, who were charged to
repair to the scene of insurrection. They were authorized to confer
with any bodies of men or individuals. They were instructed to be
candid and explicit in stating the sensations which had been excited in the
Executive, and his earnest wish to avoid a resort to coercion; to
represent, however, that, without submission, coercion must be the resort;
but to invite them, at the same time, to return to the demeanor of faithful
citizens, by such accommodations as lay within the sphere of Executive
power. Pardon, too, was tendered to them by the Government of the United
States and that of Pennsylvania, upon no other condition than a
satisfactory assurance of obedience to the laws.

Although the report of the commissioners marks their firmness and
abilities, and must unite all virtuous men, by shewing that the means of
conciliation have been exhausted, all of those who had committed or abetted
the tumults did not subscribe the mild form which was proposed as the
atonement, and the indications of a peaceable temper were neither
sufficiently general nor conclusive to recommend or warrant the further
suspension of the march of the militia.

Thus the painful alternative could not be discarded. I ordered the militia
to march, after once more admonishing the insurgents in my proclamation of
the 25th of September last.

It was a task too difficult to ascertain with precision the lowest degree
of force competent to the quelling of the insurrection. From a respect,
indeed, to economy and the ease of my fellow citizens belonging to the
militia, it would have gratified me to accomplish such an estimate. My very
reluctance to ascribe too much importance to the opposition, had its extent
been accurately seen, would have been a decided inducement to the smallest
efficient numbers. In this uncertainty, therefore, I put into motion fifteen
thousand men, as being an army which, according to all human calculation,
would be prompt and adequate in every view, and might, perhaps, by rendering
resistance desperate, prevent the effusion of blood. Quotas had been
assigned to the States of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia,
the governor of Pennsylvania having declared on this occasion an opinion
which justified a requisition to the other States.

As commander in chief of the militia when called into the actual service of
the United States, I have visited the places of general rendezvous to
obtain more exact information and to direct a plan for ulterior movements.
Had there been room for a persuasion that the laws were secure from
obstruction; that the civil magistrate was able to bring to justice such of
the most culpable as have not embraced the proffered terms of amnesty, and
may be deemed fit objects of example; that the friends to peace and good
government were not in need of that aid and countenance which they ought
always to receive, and, I trust, ever will receive, against the vicious and
turbulent, I should have caught with avidity the opportunity of restoring
the militia to their families and homes. But succeeding intelligence has
tended to manifest the necessity of what has been done, it being now
confessed by those who were not inclined to exaggerate the ill conduct of
the insurgents that their malevolence was not pointed merely to a
particular law, but that a spirit inimical to all order has actuated many
of the offenders. If the state of things had afforded reason for the
continuance of my presence with the army, it would not have been
withholden. But every appearance assuring such an issue as will redound to
the reputation and strength of the United States, I have judged it most
proper to resume my duties at the seat of Government, leaving the chief
command with the governor of Virginia.

Still, however, as it is probable that in a commotion like the present,
whatsoever may be the pretense, the purposes of mischief and revenge may
not be laid aside, the stationing of a small force for a certain period in
the four western counties of Pennsylvania will be indispensable, whether we
contemplate the situation of those who are connected with the execution of
the laws or of others who may have exposed themselves by an honorable
attachment to them. Thirty days from the commencement of this session being
the legal limitation of the employment of the militia, Congress can not be
too early occupied with this subject.

Among the discussions which may arise from this aspect of our affairs, and
from the documents which will be submitted to Congress, it will not escape
their observation that not only the inspector of the revenue, but other
officers of the United States in Pennsylvania have, from their fidelity in
the discharge of their functions, sustained material injuries to their
property. The obligation and policy of indemnifying them are strong and
obvious. It may also merit attention whether policy will not enlarge this
provision to the retribution of other citizens who, though not under the
ties of office, may have suffered damage by their generous exertions for
upholding the Constitution and the laws. The amount, even if all the
injured were included, would not be great, and on future emergencies the
Government would be amply repaid by the influence of an example that he who
incurs a loss in its defense shall find a recompense in its liberality.

While there is cause to lament that occurrences of this nature should have
disgraced the name or interrupted the tranquillity of any part of our
community, or should have diverted to a new application any portion of the
public resources, there are not wanting real and substantial consolations
for the misfortune. It has demonstrated that our prosperity rests on solid
foundations, by furnishing an additional proof that my fellow citizens
understand the true principles of government and liberty; that they feel
their inseparable union; that notwithstanding all the devices which have
been used to sway them from their interest and duty, they are not as ready
to maintain the authority of the laws against licentious invasions as they
were to defend their rights against usurpation. It has been a spectacle
displaying to the highest advantage of republican government to behold the
most and the least wealthy of our citizens standing in the same ranks as
private soldiers, preeminently distinguished by being the army of the
Constitution--undeterred by a march of 300 miles over rugged mountains, by
approach of an inclement season, or by any other discouragement. Nor ought
I to omit to acknowledge the efficacious and patriotic cooperation which I
have experienced from the chief magistrates of the States to which my
requisitions have been addressed.

To every description of citizens, let praise be given, but let them
persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of
American happiness, the Constitution of the United States. Let them cherish
it, too, for the sake of those who, from every clime, are daily seeking a
dwelling in our land. And when in the calm moments of reflection they shall
have retraced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them
determine whether it has not been fomented by combinations of men who,
careless of consequences and disregarding the unerring truth that those who
rouse can not always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an
ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations
of the whole Government.

Having thus fulfilled the engagement which I took when I entered into
office, "to the best of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend the
Constitution of the United States", on you, gentlemen, and the people by
whom you are deputed, I rely for support.

In the arrangement to which the possibility of a similar contingency will
naturally draw your attention it ought not to be forgotten that the militia
laws have exhibited such striking defects as could not have been supplied
by the zeal of our citizens. Besides the extraordinary expense and waste,
which are not the least of the defects, every appeal to those laws is
attended with a doubt on its success.

The devising and establishing of a well regulated militia would be a
genuine source of legislative honor and a perfect title to public
gratitude. I therefore entertain a hope that the present session will not
pass without carrying to its full energy the power of organizing, arming,
and disciplining the militia, and thus providing, in the language of the
Constitution, for calling them forth to execute the laws of the Union,
suppress insurrections, and repel invasions.

As auxiliary to the state of our defense, to which Congress can never too
frequently recur, they will not omit to inquire whether the fortifications
which have been already licensed by law be commensurate with our
exigencies.

The intelligence from the army under the command of General Wayne is a
happy presage to our military operations against the hostile Indians north
of the Ohio. From the advices which have been forwarded, the advance which
he has made must have damped the ardor of the savages and weakened their
obstinacy in waging war against the United States. And yet, even at this
late hour, when our power to punish them can not be questioned, we shall
not be unwilling to cement a lasting peace upon terms of candor, equity,
and good neighborhood.

Toward none of the Indian tribes have overtures of friendship been spared.
The Creeks in particular are covered from encroachment by the imposition of
the General Government and that of Georgia. From a desire also to remove
the discontents of the Six Nations, a settlement mediated at Presque Isle,
on Lake Erie, has been suspended, and an agent is now endeavoring to
rectify any misconception into which they may have fallen. But I can not
refrain from again pressing upon your deliberations the plan which I
recommended at the last session for the improvement of harmony with all the
Indians within our limits by the fixing and conducting of trading houses
upon the principles then expressed.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

The time which has elapsed since the commencement of our fiscal measures
has developed our pecuniary resources so as to open the way for a definite
plan for the redemption of the public debt. It is believed that the result
is such as to encourage Congress to consummate this work without delay.
Nothing can more promote the permanent welfare of the nation and nothing
would be more grateful to our constituents. Indeed, whatsoever is
unfinished of our system of public credit can not be benefited by
procrastination; and as far as may be practicable we ought to place that
credit on grounds which can not be disturbed, and to prevent that
progressive accumulation of debt which must ultimately endanger all
governments.

An estimate of the necessary appropriations, including the expenditures
into which we have been driven by the insurrection, will be submitted to
Congress.

Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

The Mint of the United States has entered upon the coinage of the precious
metals, and considerable sums of defective coins and bullion have been
lodged with the Director by individuals. There is a pleasing prospect that
the institution will at no remote day realize the expectation which was
originally formed of its utility.

In subsequent communications certain circumstances of our intercourse with
foreign nations will be transmitted to Congress. However, it may not be
unseasonable to announce that my policy in our foreign transactions has
been to cultivate peace with all the world; to observe the treaties with
pure and absolute faith; to check every deviation from the line of
impartiality; to explain what may have been misapprehended and correct what
may have been injurious to any nation, and having thus acquired the right,
to lose no time in acquiring the ability to insist upon justice being done
to ourselves.

Let us unite, therefore, in imploring the Supreme Ruler of Nations to
spread his holy protection over these United States; to turn the
machinations of the wicked to the confirming of our Constitution; to enable
us at all times to root out internal sedition and put invasion to flight;
to perpetuate to our country that prosperity which his goodness has already
conferred, and to verify the anticipations of this Government being a
safeguard of human rights.

GO. WASHINGTON