Madame Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, and the First Lady of
the United States:

I've come here tonight not only to address the distinguished men and women in
this great chamber, but to speak frankly and directly to the men and women who
sent us here.

I know that for many Americans watching right now, the state of our economy is
a concern that rises above all others.  And rightly so.  If you haven't been
personally affected by this recession, you probably know someone who has -- a
friend; a neighbor; a member of your family.  You don't need to hear another
list of statistics to know that our economy is in crisis, because you live it
every day.  It's the worry you wake up with and the source of sleepless
nights.  It's the job you thought you'd retire from but now have lost; the
business you built your dreams upon that's now hanging by a thread; the
college acceptance letter your child had to put back in the envelope.  The
impact of this recession is real, and it is everywhere.

But while our economy may be weakened and our confidence shaken; though we are
living through difficult and uncertain times, tonight I want every American to
know this:

We will rebuild, we will recover, and the United States of America will emerge
stronger than before.

The weight of this crisis will not determine the destiny of this nation.  The
answers to our problems don't lie beyond our reach.  They exist in our
laboratories and universities; in our fields and our factories; in the
imaginations of our entrepreneurs and the pride of the hardest-working people
on Earth.  Those qualities that have made America the greatest force of
progress and prosperity in human history we still possess in ample measure. 
What is required now is for this country to pull together, confront boldly the
challenges we face, and take responsibility for our future once more.

Now, if we're honest with ourselves, we'll admit that for too long, we have
not always met these responsibilities -- as a government or as a people.  I
say this not to lay blame or look backwards, but because it is only by
understanding how we arrived at this moment that we'll be able to lift
ourselves out of this predicament.

The fact is, our economy did not fall into decline overnight.  Nor did all of
our problems begin when the housing market collapsed or the stock market sank.
 We have known for decades that our survival depends on finding new sources of
energy.  Yet we import more oil today than ever before.  The cost of health
care eats up more and more of our savings each year, yet we keep delaying
reform.  Our children will compete for jobs in a global economy that too many
of our schools do not prepare them for.  And though all these challenges went
unsolved, we still managed to spend more money and pile up more debt, both as
individuals and through our government, than ever before.

In other words, we have lived through an era where too often, short-term gains
were prized over long-term prosperity; where we failed to look beyond the next
payment, the next quarter, or the next election.  A surplus became an excuse
to transfer wealth to the wealthy instead of an opportunity to invest in our
future.  Regulations were gutted for the sake of a quick profit at the expense
of a healthy market.  People bought homes they knew they couldn't afford from
banks and lenders who pushed those bad loans anyway.  And all the while,
critical debates and difficult decisions were put off for some other time on
some other day.

Well that day of reckoning has arrived, and the time to take charge of our
future is here.

Now is the time to act boldly and wisely -- to not only revive this economy,
but to build a new foundation for lasting prosperity.  Now is the time to
jumpstart job creation, re-start lending, and invest in areas like energy,
health care, and education that will grow our economy, even as we make hard
choices to bring our deficit down.  That is what my economic agenda is
designed to do, and that's what I'd like to talk to you about tonight.

It's an agenda that begins with jobs.

As soon as I took office, I asked this Congress to send me a recovery plan by
President's Day that would put people back to work and put money in their
pockets.  Not because I believe in bigger government -- I don't.  Not because
I'm not mindful of the massive debt we've inherited -- I am.  I called for
action because the failure to do so would have cost more jobs and caused more
hardships.  In fact, a failure to act would have worsened our long-term
deficit by assuring weak economic growth for years.  That's why I pushed for
quick action.  And tonight, I am grateful that this Congress delivered, and
pleased to say that the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act is now law.

Over the next two years, this plan will save or create 3.5 million jobs.  More
than 90% of these jobs will be in the private sector -- jobs rebuilding our
roads and bridges; constructing wind turbines and solar panels; laying
broadband and expanding mass transit.

Because of this plan, there are teachers who can now keep their jobs and
educate our kids.  Health care professionals can continue caring for our sick.
 There are 57 police officers who are still on the streets of Minneapolis
tonight because this plan prevented the layoffs their department was about to
make.

Because of this plan, 95% of the working households in America will receive a
tax cut -- a tax cut that you will see in your paychecks beginning on April
1st.

Because of this plan, families who are struggling to pay tuition costs will
receive a $2,500 tax credit for all four years of college.  And Americans who
have lost their jobs in this recession will be able to receive extended
unemployment benefits and continued health care coverage to help them weather
this storm.

I know there are some in this chamber and watching at home who are skeptical
of whether this plan will work.  I understand that skepticism.  Here in
Washington, we've all seen how quickly good intentions can turn into broken
promises and wasteful spending.  And with a plan of this scale comes enormous
responsibility to get it right.

That is why I have asked Vice President Biden to lead a tough, unprecedented
oversight effort -- because nobody messes with Joe.  I have told each member
of my Cabinet as well as mayors and governors across the country that they
will be held accountable by me and the American people for every dollar they
spend.  I have appointed a proven and aggressive Inspector General to ferret
out any and all cases of waste and fraud.  And we have created a new website
called recovery.gov so that every American can find out how and where their
money is being spent.

So the recovery plan we passed is the first step in getting our economy back
on track.  But it is just the first step.  Because even if we manage this plan
flawlessly, there will be no real recovery unless we clean up the credit
crisis that has severely weakened our financial system.

I want to speak plainly and candidly about this issue tonight, because every
American should know that it directly affects you and your family's
well-being.  You should also know that the money you've deposited in banks
across the country is safe; your insurance is secure; and you can rely on the
continued operation of our financial system.  That is not the source of
concern.

The concern is that if we do not re-start lending in this country, our
recovery will be choked off before it even begins.

You see, the flow of credit is the lifeblood of our economy.  The ability to
get a loan is how you finance the purchase of everything from a home to a car
to a college education; how stores stock their shelves, farms buy equipment,
and businesses make payroll.

But credit has stopped flowing the way it should.  Too many bad loans from the
housing crisis have made their way onto the books of too many banks.  With so
much debt and so little confidence, these banks are now fearful of lending out
any more money to households, to businesses, or to each other.  When there is
no lending, families can't afford to buy homes or cars.  So businesses are
forced to make layoffs.  Our economy suffers even more, and credit dries up
even further.

That is why this administration is moving swiftly and aggressively to break
this destructive cycle, restore confidence, and re-start lending.

We will do so in several ways.  First, we are creating a new lending fund that
represents the largest effort ever to help provide auto loans, college loans,
and small business loans to the consumers and entrepreneurs who keep this
economy running.

Second, we have launched a housing plan that will help responsible families
facing the threat of foreclosure lower their monthly payments and re-finance
their mortgages.  It's a plan that won't help speculators or that neighbor
down the street who bought a house he could never hope to afford, but it will
help millions of Americans who are struggling with declining home values --
Americans who will now be able to take advantage of the lower interest rates
that this plan has already helped bring about.  In fact, the average family
who re-finances today can save nearly $2000 per year on their mortgage.

Third, we will act with the full force of the federal government to ensure
that the major banks that Americans depend on have enough confidence and
enough money to lend even in more difficult times.  And when we learn that a
major bank has serious problems, we will hold accountable those responsible,
force the necessary adjustments, provide the support to clean up their balance
sheets, and assure the continuity of a strong, viable institution that can
serve our people and our economy.

I understand that on any given day, Wall Street may be more comforted by an
approach that gives banks bailouts with no strings attached, and that holds
nobody accountable for their reckless decisions.  But such an approach won't
solve the problem.  And our goal is to quicken the day when we re-start
lending to the American people and American business and end this crisis once
and for all.

I intend to hold these banks fully accountable for the assistance they
receive, and this time, they will have to clearly demonstrate how taxpayer
dollars result in more lending for the American taxpayer.  This time, CEOs
won't be able to use taxpayer money to pad their paychecks or buy fancy drapes
or disappear on a private jet.  Those days are over.

Still, this plan will require significant resources from the federal
government -- and yes, probably more than we've already set aside.  But while
the cost of action will be great, I can assure you that the cost of inaction
will be far greater, for it could result in an economy that sputters along for
not months or years, but perhaps a decade.  That would be worse for our
deficit, worse for business, worse for you, and worse for the next generation.
 And I refuse to let that happen.

I understand that when the last administration asked this Congress to provide
assistance for struggling banks, Democrats and Republicans alike were
infuriated by the mismanagement and results that followed.  So were the
American taxpayers.  So was I.

So I know how unpopular it is to be seen as helping banks right now,
especially when everyone is suffering in part from their bad decisions.  I
promise you -- I get it.

But I also know that in a time of crisis, we cannot afford to govern out of
anger, or yield to the politics of the moment.  My job -- our job -- is to
solve the problem.  Our job is to govern with a sense of responsibility.  I
will not spend a single penny for the purpose of rewarding a single Wall
Street executive, but I will do whatever it takes to help the small business
that can't pay its workers or the family that has saved and still can't get a
mortgage.

That's what this is about.  It's not about helping banks -- it's about helping
people.  Because when credit is available again, that young family can finally
buy a new home.  And then some company will hire workers to build it.  And
then those workers will have money to spend, and if they can get a loan too,
maybe they'll finally buy that car, or open their own business.  Investors
will return to the market, and American families will see their retirement
secured once more.  Slowly, but surely, confidence will return, and our
economy will recover.

So I ask this Congress to join me in doing whatever proves necessary.  Because
we cannot consign our nation to an open-ended recession.  And to ensure that a
crisis of this magnitude never happens again, I ask Congress to move quickly
on legislation that will finally reform our outdated regulatory system.  It is
time to put in place tough, new common-sense rules of the road so that our
financial market rewards drive and innovation, and punishes short-cuts and
abuse.

The recovery plan and the financial stability plan are the immediate steps
we're taking to revive our economy in the short-term.  But the only way to
fully restore America's economic strength is to make the long-term investments
that will lead to new jobs, new industries, and a renewed ability to compete
with the rest of the world. The only way this century will be another American
century is if we confront at last the price of our dependence on oil and the
high cost of health care; the schools that aren't preparing our children and
the mountain of debt they stand to inherit.  That is our responsibility.

In the next few days, I will submit a budget to Congress.  So often, we have
come to view these documents as simply numbers on a page or laundry lists of
programs.  I see this document differently.  I see it as a vision for America
-- as a blueprint for our future.

My budget does not attempt to solve every problem or address every issue.  It
reflects the stark reality of what we've inherited -- a trillion dollar
deficit, a financial crisis, and a costly recession.

Given these realities, everyone in this chamber -- Democrats and Republicans
-- will have to sacrifice some worthy priorities for which there are no
dollars.  And that includes me.

But that does not mean we can afford to ignore our long-term challenges.  I
reject the view that says our problems will simply take care of themselves;
that says government has no role in laying the foundation for our common
prosperity.

For history tells a different story.  History reminds us that at every moment
of economic upheaval and transformation, this nation has responded with bold
action and big ideas.  In the midst of civil war, we laid railroad tracks from
one coast to another that spurred commerce and industry.  From the turmoil of
the Industrial Revolution came a system of public high schools that prepared
our citizens for a new age.  In the wake of war and depression, the GI Bill
sent a generation to college and created the largest middle-class in history. 
And a twilight struggle for freedom led to a nation of highways, an American
on the moon, and an explosion of technology that still shapes our world.

In each case, government didn't supplant private enterprise; it catalyzed
private enterprise.  It created the conditions for thousands of entrepreneurs
and new businesses to adapt and to thrive.

We are a nation that has seen promise amid peril, and claimed opportunity from
ordeal.  Now we must be that nation again.  That is why, even as it cuts back
on the programs we don't need, the budget I submit will invest in the three
areas that are absolutely critical to our economic future:  energy, health
care, and education.

It begins with energy.

We know the country that harnesses the power of clean, renewable energy will
lead the 21st century.  And yet, it is China that has launched the largest
effort in history to make their economy energy efficient.  We invented solar
technology, but we've fallen behind countries like Germany and Japan in
producing it.  New plug-in hybrids roll off our assembly lines, but they will
run on batteries made in Korea.

Well I do not accept a future where the jobs and industries of tomorrow take
root beyond our borders -- and I know you don't either.  It is time for
America to lead again.

Thanks to our recovery plan, we will double this nation's supply of renewable
energy in the next three years.  We have also made the largest investment in
basic research funding in American history -- an investment that will spur not
only new discoveries in energy, but breakthroughs in medicine, science, and
technology.

We will soon lay down thousands of miles of power lines that can carry new
energy to cities and towns across this country.  And we will put Americans to
work making our homes and buildings more efficient so that we can save
billions of dollars on our energy bills.

But to truly transform our economy, protect our security, and save our planet
from the ravages of climate change, we need to ultimately make clean,
renewable energy the profitable kind of energy.  So I ask this Congress to
send me legislation that places a market-based cap on carbon pollution and
drives the production of more renewable energy in America.  And to support
that innovation, we will invest fifteen billion dollars a year to develop
technologies like wind power and solar power; advanced biofuels, clean coal,
and more fuel-efficient cars and trucks built right here in America.

As for our auto industry, everyone recognizes that years of bad
decision-making and a global recession have pushed our automakers to the
brink.  We should not, and will not, protect them from their own bad
practices.  But we are committed to the goal of a re-tooled, re-imagined auto
industry that can compete and win.  Millions of jobs depend on it.  Scores of
communities depend on it.  And I believe the nation that invented the
automobile cannot walk away from it.

None of this will come without cost, nor will it be easy.  But this is
America.  We don't do what's easy.  We do what is necessary to move this
country forward.

For that same reason, we must also address the crushing cost of health care.

This is a cost that now causes a bankruptcy in America every thirty seconds. 
By the end of the year, it could cause 1.5 million Americans to lose their
homes.  In the last eight years, premiums have grown four times faster than
wages.  And in each of these years, one million more Americans have lost their
health insurance.  It is one of the major reasons why small businesses close
their doors and corporations ship jobs overseas.  And it's one of the largest
and fastest-growing parts of our budget.

Given these facts, we can no longer afford to put health care reform on hold.

Already, we have done more to advance the cause of health care reform in the
last thirty days than we have in the last decade.  When it was days old, this
Congress passed a law to provide and protect health insurance for eleven
million American children whose parents work full-time.  Our recovery plan
will invest in electronic health records and new technology that will reduce
errors, bring down costs, ensure privacy, and save lives.  It will launch a
new effort to conquer a disease that has touched the life of nearly every
American by seeking a cure for cancer in our time.  And it makes the largest
investment ever in preventive care, because that is one of the best ways to
keep our people healthy and our costs under control.

This budget builds on these reforms.  It includes an historic commitment to
comprehensive health care reform -- a down-payment on the principle that we
must have quality, affordable health care for every American.  It's a
commitment that's paid for in part by efficiencies in our system that are long
overdue.  And it's a step we must take if we hope to bring down our deficit in
the years to come.

Now, there will be many different opinions and ideas about how to achieve
reform, and that is why I'm bringing together businesses and workers, doctors
and health care providers, Democrats and Republicans to begin work on this
issue next week.

I suffer no illusions that this will be an easy process.  It will be hard. 
But I also know that nearly a century after Teddy Roosevelt first called for
reform, the cost of our health care has weighed down our economy and the
conscience of our nation long enough.  So let there be no doubt: health care
reform cannot wait, it must not wait, and it will not wait another year.

The third challenge we must address is the urgent need to expand the promise
of education in America.

In a global economy where the most valuable skill you can sell is your
knowledge, a good education is no longer just a pathway to opportunity -- it
is a pre-requisite.

Right now, three-quarters of the fastest-growing occupations require more than
a high school diploma.  And yet, just over half of our citizens have that
level of education.  We have one of the highest high school dropout rates of
any industrialized nation.  And half of the students who begin college never
finish.

This is a prescription for economic decline, because we know the countries
that out-teach us today will out-compete us tomorrow.  That is why it will be
the goal of this administration to ensure that every child has access to a
complete and competitive education -- from the day they are born to the day
they begin a career.

Already, we have made an historic investment in education through the economic
recovery plan.  We have dramatically expanded early childhood education and
will continue to improve its quality, because we know that the most formative
learning comes in those first years of life.  We have made college affordable
for nearly seven million more students.  And we have provided the resources
necessary to prevent painful cuts and teacher layoffs that would set back our
children's progress.

But we know that our schools don't just need more resources.  They need more
reform.  That is why this budget creates new incentives for teacher
performance; pathways for advancement, and rewards for success.  We'll invest
in innovative programs that are already helping schools meet high standards
and close achievement gaps.  And we will expand our commitment to charter
schools.

It is our responsibility as lawmakers and educators to make this system work. 
But it is the responsibility of every citizen to participate in it.  And so
tonight, I ask every American to commit to at least one year or more of higher
education or career training.  This can be community college or a four-year
school; vocational training or an apprenticeship.  But whatever the training
may be, every American will need to get more than a high school diploma.  And
dropping out of high school is no longer an option.  It's not just quitting on
yourself, it's quitting on your country -- and this country needs and values
the talents of every American.  That is why we will provide the support
necessary for you to complete college and meet a new goal:  by 2020, America
will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.

I know that the price of tuition is higher than ever, which is why if you are
willing to volunteer in your neighborhood or give back to your community or
serve your country, we will make sure that you can afford a higher education. 
And to encourage a renewed spirit of national service for this and future
generations, I ask this Congress to send me the bipartisan legislation that
bears the name of Senator Orrin Hatch as well as an American who has never
stopped asking what he can do for his country -- Senator Edward Kennedy.

These education policies will open the doors of opportunity for our children. 
But it is up to us to ensure they walk through them.  In the end, there is no
program or policy that can substitute for a mother or father who will attend
those parent/teacher conferences, or help with homework after dinner, or turn
off the TV, put away the video games, and read to their child.  I speak to you
not just as a President, but as a father when I say that responsibility for
our children's education must begin at home.

There is, of course, another responsibility we have to our children.  And that
is the responsibility to ensure that we do not pass on to them a debt they
cannot pay.  With the deficit we inherited, the cost of the crisis we face,
and the long-term challenges we must meet, it has never been more important to
ensure that as our economy recovers, we do what it takes to bring this deficit
down.

I'm proud that we passed the recovery plan free of earmarks, and I want to
pass a budget next year that ensures that each dollar we spend reflects only
our most important national priorities.

Yesterday, I held a fiscal summit where I pledged to cut the deficit in half
by the end of my first term in office.  My administration has also begun to go
line by line through the federal budget in order to eliminate wasteful and
ineffective programs.  As you can imagine, this is a process that will take
some time.  But we're starting with the biggest lines.  We have already
identified two trillion dollars in savings over the next decade.

In this budget, we will end education programs that don't work and end direct
payments to large agribusinesses that don't need them.  We'll eliminate the
no-bid contracts that have wasted billions in Iraq, and reform our defense
budget so that we're not paying for Cold War-era weapons systems we don't use.
 We will root out the waste, fraud, and abuse in our Medicare program that
doesn't make our seniors any healthier, and we will restore a sense of
fairness and balance to our tax code by finally ending the tax breaks for
corporations that ship our jobs overseas.

In order to save our children from a future of debt, we will also end the tax
breaks for the wealthiest 2% of Americans.  But let me perfectly clear,
because I know you'll hear the same old claims that rolling back these tax
breaks means a massive tax increase on the American people:  if your family
earns less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increased a
single dime.  I repeat: not one single dime.  In fact, the recovery plan
provides a tax cut -- that's right, a tax cut -- for 95% of working families. 
And these checks are on the way.

To preserve our long-term fiscal health, we must also address the growing
costs in Medicare and Social Security.  Comprehensive health care reform is
the best way to strengthen Medicare for years to come.  And we must also begin
a conversation on how to do the same for Social Security, while creating
tax-free universal savings accounts for all Americans.

Finally, because we're also suffering from a deficit of trust, I am committed
to restoring a sense of honesty and accountability to our budget.  That is why
this budget looks ahead ten years and accounts for spending that was left out
under the old rules -- and for the first time, that includes the full cost of
fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan.  For seven years, we have been a nation at
war.  No longer will we hide its price.

We are now carefully reviewing our policies in both wars, and I will soon
announce a way forward in Iraq that leaves Iraq to its people and responsibly
ends this war.

And with our friends and allies, we will forge a new and comprehensive
strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan to defeat al Qaeda and combat extremism.
 Because I will not allow terrorists to plot against the American people from
safe havens half a world away.

As we meet here tonight, our men and women in uniform stand watch abroad and
more are readying to deploy. To each and every one of them, and to the
families who bear the quiet burden of their absence, Americans are united in
sending one message: we honor your service, we are inspired by your sacrifice,
and you have our unyielding support.  To relieve the strain on our forces, my
budget increases the number of our soldiers and Marines. And to keep our
sacred trust with those who serve, we will raise their pay, and give our
veterans the expanded health care and benefits that they have earned.

To overcome extremism, we must also be vigilant in upholding the values our
troops defend -- because there is no force in the world more powerful than the
example of America. That is why I have ordered the closing of the detention
center at Guantanamo Bay, and will seek swift and certain justice for captured
terrorists -- because living our values doesn't make us weaker, it makes us
safer and it makes us stronger.  And that is why I can stand here tonight and
say without exception or equivocation that the United States of America does
not torture.

In words and deeds, we are showing the world that a new era of engagement has
begun.  For we know that America cannot meet the threats of this century
alone, but the world cannot meet them without America.  We cannot shun the
negotiating table, nor ignore the foes or forces that could do us harm.  We
are instead called to move forward with the sense of confidence and candor
that serious times demand.

To seek progress toward a secure and lasting peace between Israel and her
neighbors, we have appointed an envoy to sustain our effort.  To meet the
challenges of the 21st century -- from terrorism to nuclear proliferation;
from pandemic disease to cyber threats to crushing poverty -- we will
strengthen old alliances, forge new ones, and use all elements of our national
power.

And to respond to an economic crisis that is global in scope, we are working
with the nations of the G-20 to restore confidence in our financial system,
avoid the possibility of escalating protectionism, and spur demand for
American goods in markets across the globe.  For the world depends on us to
have a strong economy, just as our economy depends on the strength of the
world's.

As we stand at this crossroads of history, the eyes of all people in all
nations are once again upon us -- watching to see what we do with this moment;
waiting for us to lead.

Those of us gathered here tonight have been called to govern in extraordinary
times.  It is a tremendous burden, but also a great privilege -- one that has
been entrusted to few generations of Americans.  For in our hands lies the
ability to shape our world for good or for ill.

I know that it is easy to lose sight of this truth -- to become cynical and
doubtful; consumed with the petty and the trivial.

But in my life, I have also learned that hope is found in unlikely places;
that inspiration often comes not from those with the most power or celebrity,
but from the dreams and aspirations of Americans who are anything but
ordinary.

I think about Leonard Abess, the bank president from Miami who reportedly
cashed out of his company, took a $60 million bonus, and gave it out to all
399 people who worked for him, plus another 72 who used to work for him.  He
didn't tell anyone, but when the local newspaper found out, he simply said,
"I knew some of these people since I was 7 years old.  I didn't feel right
getting the money myself."

I think about Greensburg, Kansas, a town that was completely destroyed by a
tornado, but is being rebuilt by its residents as a global example of how
clean energy can power an entire community -- how it can bring jobs and
businesses to a place where piles of bricks and rubble once lay.  "The tragedy
was terrible," said one of the men who helped them rebuild.  "But the folks
here know that it also provided an incredible opportunity."

And I think about Ty'Sheoma Bethea, the young girl from that school I visited
in Dillon, South Carolina -- a place where the ceilings leak, the paint peels
off the walls, and they have to stop teaching six times a day because the
train barrels by their classroom.  She has been told that her school is
hopeless, but the other day after class she went to the public library and
typed up a letter to the people sitting in this room.  She even asked her
principal for the money to buy a stamp.  The letter asks us for help, and
says, "We are just students trying to become lawyers, doctors, congressmen
like yourself and one day president, so we can make a change to not just the
state of South Carolina but also the world.  We are not quitters."

We are not quitters.

These words and these stories tell us something about the spirit of the people
who sent us here.  They tell us that even in the most trying times, amid the
most difficult circumstances, there is a generosity, a resilience, a decency,
and a determination that perseveres; a willingness to take responsibility for
our future and for posterity.

Their resolve must be our inspiration.  Their concerns must be our cause.  And
we must show them and all our people that we are equal to the task before us.

I know that we haven't agreed on every issue thus far, and there are surely
times in the future when we will part ways.  But I also know that every
American who is sitting here tonight loves this country and wants it to
succeed.  That must be the starting point for every debate we have in the
coming months, and where we return after those debates are done.  That is the
foundation on which the American people expect us to build common ground.

And if we do -- if we come together and lift this nation from the depths of
this crisis; if we put our people back to work and restart the engine of our
prosperity; if we confront without fear the challenges of our time and summon
that enduring spirit of an America that does not quit, then someday years from
now our children can tell their children that this was the time when we
performed, in the words that are carved into this very chamber, "something
worthy to be remembered."  Thank you, God Bless you, and may God Bless the
United States of America.